Archive for June, 2010

The Evening Fix

Wednesday, June 30th, 2010
Robert Baldwin



Robert Baldwin is an intern at the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Robert Baldwin

Some of the day’s best reads:

  • James Traub weighs the pros and cons of the counterinsurgency strategy: “I compiled a document I called ‘COIN toss,’ listing the arguments for and against continuing the counterinsurgency effort. As someone who holds out some faint hope for the administration’s strategy, I was dismayed to see that while I came up with 10 reasons to abandon COIN (counterinsurgency), most based on observable failures of the strategy, I could think of only five reasons to keep it, most based on hope and scant signs of progress.”
  • Lionel Beehner comments on the Tea Party’s silence on foreign policy: “Tea Partiers are a ragtag bunch, for sure, united more by hot-button domestic issues such as lower taxes and states’ rights than by any deeply held conviction about the U.S. projection of power in the world. When they wade into global affairs, it mostly concerns protecting the borders against illegal immigration or enforcing free trade.”
  • Thomas Friedman notes the significance of the Palestine Security Exchange’s performance over the past year: “The expansion of the Al-Quds Index is part of a broader set of changes initiated in the West Bank in the last few years under the leadership of Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, the former World Bank economist who has unleashed a real Palestinian ‘revolution.’”
  • Sean Collins reviews Ferraris for All, a new book by Daniel Ben-Ami: “Ben-Ami’s robust defence of growth might lead some to assume that he is a free-market conservative, but he’s not. As he points out, historically the left were supportive of growth and mass prosperity, but today ‘most self-proclaimed radicals emphasise the need to impose limits on consumption and economic growth.’”
  • The Center on Reinventing Public Education released a preliminary report on the impact of charter schools.

The Ever-Shifting RINO Line

Wednesday, June 30th, 2010
Ed Kilgore



Ed Kilgore is a PPI senior fellow, as well as managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, an online forum.

by Ed Kilgore

One of the more interesting byproducts of the Tea Party Movement and the ideological battles going on within the Republican Party is that the tolerance of “movement conservatives” for dissent is really reaching a low level. This was made most painfully evident during the recent Utah Senate primary, when Tim Bridgewater, whose issue positions would have placed him on the far right fringe of the GOP as recently as a couple of years ago, was regularly denounced by supporters of Mike Lee as a RINO, mainly for supporting in the past Republican initiatives that a majority of Republican officeholders also supported.

Now the litmus-testers seem to be training their sights on the GOP’s leadership in the House. Check out the language of this post today from right-wing opinion leader Erick Erickson of RedState:

Eric Cantor and John Boehner — particularly Eric Cantor — have decided they don’t need or want conservatives and, more troubling, do not have any intention of trying to win at the polls by forcing Democrat hands on Obamacare….Last week and on Monday I mentioned Rep. Steve King’s effort to repeal Obamacare and start over. He’s filed a discharge petition. If he gets 218 signatures, Nancy Pelosi must hold a vote.

At the time, I was hearing that Eric Cantor was desperate to undermine Steve King’s efforts and, sure enough, he’s trying. Worse, he has John Boehner helping him….

Today, Eric Cantor and John Boehner are announcing that they’ll sign King’s discharge petition, but they’re also going to go with one by Congressman Wally Herger that would repeal Obamacare and replace it with a Republican alternative….

Tea Party activists and others should pay attention here: Eric Cantor and John Boehner are implementing a strategy that makes it look like they are on your side, but are in fact stabbing you in the back.

Cantor and Boehner are spinning this as a good thing. But it is not. It muddies the water and gives Democrats an escape from being forced to take action.

Any Republican who signs on to the Herger discharge petition should be driven from office for betraying the “repeal” cause. This does nothing but provide cover to people who don’t really want to repeal Obamacare, just nibble at the edges.

And should the GOP take back Congress in November, we should remember this betrayal and the lies that go with it.

So a strategic difference of opinion in which Boehner and Cantor, who are slavishly deferential to the conservative movement, chose not to go along with the routinely demented Steve King becomes a “betrayal” rationalized by “lies” that reveal the two top House GOP leaders as secret allies of the satanic socialists.

Granted, Erickson likes to play the bully-boy and go rhetorically over the top as an intimidation tactic, but this is still pretty amazing stuff. Looks like by November the RINO line will have shifted so far that even Steve King will need to watch his back.

This item is cross-posted at The Democratic Strategist.

Photo credit: asterix661

Time To End Supplemental Budgeting

Wednesday, June 30th, 2010
Jim Arkedis



Jim Arkedis is the director of PPI's National Security Project.

by Jim Arkedis

The House has taken up a $30 billion supplemental appropriations bill to fund Afghanistan. However, the bill has ballooned to over $70 billon as the Democratic leadership has had to slather on non-defense appropriations to attract the votes of more progressive caucus members frustrated with nine years of slow progress in Afghanistan. There’s a $10 billion education jobs fund, $18 billion in Department of Energy loan guarantees, and $500 million for border patrol. This bill has turned the old guns vs. butter argument into a fight about guns and butter.

The bottom line is Democrats’ left flank is fed up with tough but “must have” votes on issues they view as too centrist (a health care bill minus the public option, multiple war appropriations). But this bill’s incentives are wholly inappropriate: Spending $10 billion on education-related jobs may be a worthy expenditure when considered separately, but it has no business in a defense bill. The Republicans, of course, are having a field day — they’ve exposed the Democratic split by threatening to pull potentially vital support of war-funding unless the bill is stripped “clean” of non-defense expenditures.

The good news is that there is a magic bullet, and it would solve a lot more than political bickering: End the practice of supplemental budgeting. Beyond politics, having just a single, unified defense budget would force trade-offs in a defense spending culture that has run wild in the last 10 years.

Here how supplementals work. Every year since 9/11, we’ve had essentially two or three defense budgets. This year, we’ve had three: a baseline defense budget appropriation of approximately $549 billion, a $159 billion “overseas contingency operations” (i.e., mostly Afghanistan and Iraq) budget and the current supplemental request of $30 billion (which includes several tens of billions for non-defense items discussed above).

The dirty secret is that even many of Pentagon’s “emergency war appropriations” have nothing to do with our current wars. Take the F-22, for example. Before Secretary Gates won last year’s fight to cap production of the F-22, lawmakers inserted $600 million to buy additional planes in the 2009 “emergency supplemental” after the money was shut out of the baseline 2009 budget. This happened even though not one of the 183 F-22s already owned by the U.S. military had flown a single mission over Iraq or Afghanistan. That doesn’t sound like an emergency spending necessity, does it?

Having three budgets is like having three strikes in a baseball at-bat — you have the luxury to swing and miss twice. Projects that don’t make the baseline DoD budget (strike one!) can be considered in either of the additional supplementals (strike two! strike three!) before they’re “out.”

Ending the supplementals would be like giving the batter just one strike. By combining all defense spending into one (larger) appropriation each year, the batter has just one swing — miss the first time, that’s it. The practice would force Congress to make hard choices that prioritize the war-fighter. Who wants to be the representative that adds defense pork to a bill at the expense of our fighting soldiers’ needs? And with no hope of getting additional money later in the year, it would begin to create a culture of efficiency and discipline in spending priorities.

Ultimately, Afghanistan will be funded. Having a single defense budget minimizes divisive political bickering and prioritizes the war-fighter. That’s a real win-win.

Marshall to Testify Before National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform

Wednesday, June 30th, 2010
Steven Chlapecka



Steven K. Chlapecka is the director of public affairs for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Steven Chlapecka

NEWS RELEASE
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
June 30, 2010

PRESS CONTACT:
Steven Chlapecka—schlapecka@ppionline.org, T: 202.525.3931

PPI President to Offer Recommendations on Curbing National Deficit

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute, will testify today at 2 p.m. before the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform during the commission’s first public listening session. Marshall will urge the commission to carefully examine national spending and create an ambitious but attainable fiscal target to address the United States’ mid- and long-term deficit challenges. The commission’s listening session live webcast can be viewed at http://www.whitehouse.gov/live.

“There is a common assumption in Washington that you can either have a fiscally responsible government or a progressive government, but you can’t have both,” said PPI President Will Marshall. “But, I’ve always rejected this assumption as a false choice. A progressive government can and must live within its means. It’s not really progressive if it chases the illusion of borrowed prosperity.”

The bipartisan National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, created by President Obama to address our nation’s fiscal challenges, is charged with creating a plan after the midterm election to start unwinding America’s massive debt.

“We are looking for ideas,” said Commission Co-Chairman Erskine Bowles opening the commission’s third meeting on June 30, 2010.

Marshall is a member of the Brookings-Heritage Fiscal Seminar, a nonpartisan group of 16 federal budget and policy experts and frequently writes on the need to control the large and growing federal debt.

For further questions, please contact Steven Chlapecka at schlapecka@ppionline.org, 202.525.3931 (office), or 202.556.1752 (cell).

# # #

Marshall’s testimony as prepared for delivery.

The State of U.S. Infrastructure: A Snapshot

Wednesday, June 30th, 2010
Norman Anderson



Norman Anderson is the president and CEO of CG/LA Infrastructure.

by Norman Anderson

We all want the infrastructure market to pick up dramatically and generate jobs, build productivity, and create competitiveness. But there is a yawning gap between public expressions of optimism and what infrastructure executives have been telling me about the state of their business. We continue to hear good news about the infrastructure industry in the media and from the administration, yet head counts at infrastructure firms are still down by as much as 25 percent, and executives say that the U.S. market is still essentially flat.

To get a granular picture of the state of infrastructure, my firm, CG/LA Infrastructure, last week sent out a survey of about 11,000 infrastructure executives and professionals throughout the U.S. and in all sectors of the industry. While only a fraction of the responses have come in so far, I’d like to share some preliminary results, which affirm the pessimistic mood that I’ve picked up in conversations. Here’s a snapshot of the state of U.S. infrastructure through the eyes of the men and women running our top firms:

1.) What is your current perception of the U.S. infrastructure market? Fifty-one percent of executives who have responded so far say that the market is “getting worse,” while 33 percent said that it is essentially flat and 15 percent said that it is improving.

The grim results may seem surprising, but it makes sense when you think about it. Most states have not recovered from last year’s cataclysm and continue to cut their budgets across the board. Considering that 70 percent of infrastructure spending is the responsibility of states and municipalities, it would be a surprise if infrastructure spending didn’t go down.

2. In your day-to-day infrastructure work, what are the most problematic issues in terms of improving project development speed? The U.S. needs to dramatically increase investments in infrastructure. Our survey question tried to get at the barriers to that kind of increased investment, and the current problems for restarting the market.

In our menu of options — respondents were allowed to choose as many as they wished from a list of factors — fifty-four percent of infrastructure executives mentioned “financing” as a problem. Meanwhile, 30 percent highlighted weak public sector capacity. This is significant. If we are going to invest in infrastructure, then we need a highly capable public sector.

Additionally 30 percent of executives also highlighted permitting issues as a barrier. Surprisingly, environmental issues, normally the biggest ‘problem’ on any industry survey, ranked fourth, highlighted by only 24 percent of executives.

Clearly the overriding issue is financing. How is that going to be addressed, and who will benefit? These are questions for another survey, and deserve a lot more attention than they are getting – particularly given the preponderant role of state and municipal budgets, and the dramatic weakness in those budgets. And lurking behind these concerns is a question few people are asking: What has become of the Obama administration’s initial National Infrastructure Bank proposal?

3. High-speed rail (HSR) is a signature initiative of the Obama administration. How do you rate this proposal in terms of current progress, and future potential, on a scale of 1-10, with 10 being excellent and 1 being poor? Another striking result: 53 percent of respondents clustered their answers in the 1-3 range (97 percent scored the high-speed rail program “7” or below). The results reflect my experience with industry, where the initial excitement about the program has rapidly given way to doubt and incredulity.

This question allowed for comments, and those comments clustered into two groups: justifications for their scores, and constructive comments on what is wrong with the program. Under the first category, one commenter noted that there were “serious issues…of whether the funding provided will be sufficient to implement a meaningful program and whether the funding will be concentrated on the most promising HSR opportunities.” Another, more critical respondent wrote, “I have not seen any significant developments since the topic was broached.”

On the constructive side: “Existing rail corridors that host HSR should be exempt from most of the overly burdensome environmental laws. This is unnecessary and needless bureaucracy and is slowing everybody waaaaaay down.” Another comment noted that the program “needs a long term funding source; it will not survive as a jobs program.” Perhaps the most critical comment, in terms of strategy, was the following: “There are a few corridors where high speed rail makes a lot of sense; the Northeast corridor in particular. However, there is no national consensus on its utility in other parts of the country.” Without consensus, at a time of tremendous austerity, it is indeed difficult to see this “man on the moon” initiative moving forward. Note that nothing has been spent from the original authorization of $8 billion.

4. In infrastructure, where are the greatest [geographic] opportunities for your firm over the next 12 months? The answers to this question were surprising and underscore that the U.S. infrastructure industry is focused on the home market – and at the same time, does not see much future for itself in that market. Overall, 42 percent of executives surveyed see their greatest opportunities in the U.S., a market that they qualify as depressed. After the U.S. market, 32 percent of respondents see the greatest opportunities in Latin America (a region with four percent of global GDP), followed by North America (the U.S., Canada and Mexico), with 29 percent. Europe and the Middle East were each ranked at 20 percent, while non-China Asia was ranked below 10 percent. None of the infrastructure executives surveyed see opportunities in the closed Chinese market.

5. You expect your firm’s gross revenue in 2010 to _____. Only seven percent believe that their firm’s revenue will grow “significantly” in 2010, with 48 percent projecting moderate growth, and 32 percent stating that economic performance will remain flat. Two facts stand out: It is a cause for concern that 13 percent of executives see their firm’s performances actually declining and 80 percent see moderate or no revenue growth for their firms in 2010. Considering their point of comparison is 2009, the worst year for infrastructure in 80 years, this is dismal news.

All in all, the survey results speak for themselves. U.S. infrastructure executives don’t see much hope for revival this year – in fact, they see things getting worse. President Obama’s signature program, high-speed rail, does not receive anything like passing grades and it is increasingly not being taken seriously. The financing issue — not a surprise for anyone in the infrastructure business — is the number one problem facing the industry.

When I was starting in the infrastructure industry a friend would tell me, over and over, that “nothing is as stubborn as a fact.” Well, these are the facts. We should all take them seriously if we are going to create jobs, generate competitiveness and build opportunities. And it seems like the executives in this most public of industries have a pretty clear grasp of reality, and some good ideas about what should be done.

Photo credit: SP8254

Evening Fix

Tuesday, June 29th, 2010
Tessa Gellerson





by Tessa Gellerson

Some of the day’s best reads:

  • Robert Kagan summarizes the White House’s recent foreign policy successes: “Is there much to criticize in the administration’s overall handling of foreign and defense policy? Of course, and there will be in the future. But it was a good month. For now the administration deserves congratulations for getting a number of things right.”
  • Third Way outlines the four reasons why Elena Kagan is a moderate: “As the Supreme Court confirmation hearings begin in the Senate, opponents of Solicitor General Elena Kagan’s nomination will inevitably seek to portray her as an outspoken leftist ideologue. However, her record and experiences readily demonstrate that she is a moderate in the mold of Justice Sandra Day O’Connor.”
  • Allan Sloan evaluates the Dodd-Frank financial reform bill: “Sure, there are some useful things other than consumer protection in Dodd-Frank. But assuming the bill becomes law in its current form, we’ll have the same systemic problem we had when the meltdown started in June 2007: too many institutions that are too big to fail, and a perilously opaque financial system that will freeze if problems recur.”
  • Michael Tomasky confronts progressive discontent with President Obama: “It’s one thing to be disappointed in policy outcomes, or even angry about them. But more and more it seems that we are in an age of liberal despair — as reflex and first instinct, as motif and explanation, even, it sometimes seems to me, as fashion.”
  • Rod Adams repudiates calls for a lull in nuclear energy development in the wake of the Gulf oil spill: “The very idea of trying to use what is happening in the Gulf as a reason to halt the development of nuclear energy requires a serious suspension of disbelief.”

In Plain Sight: A Look at the Russian Spy Ring

Tuesday, June 29th, 2010
Jim Arkedis



Jim Arkedis is the director of PPI's National Security Project.

by Jim Arkedis

I peered nervously into my colleagues’ offices after reading this morning’s wrap-up of the Russian spy case:

The operation, referred to by U.S. investigators as “the Illegals program,” was aimed at placing spies in nongovernmental jobs, such as at think tanks, where they could glean information from policymakers and Washington-connected insiders without attracting attention.

I realize Steven had studied in Russia, and this afternoon I’m going to fire up the old Blackadder tapes and figure out just how to catch him in the act.

Kidding aside, the story goes that 10 Russian spies were arrested (one remains at-large) as part of the largest espionage takedown I can remember.

Dan Drezner over at Foreign Policy thinks the whole thing is “low-rent” and “bizarre” because the ring is charged only with being “unregistered agents of a foreign government.” Drezner’s opinion is just odd — by definition, the nature of espionage is difficult to detect and harder to prove. To put this in perspective, it’s a huge deal when one intelligence operative gets caught — think Aldrich Ames, Robert Hansen, or most recently, my former professor Kendall Myers. Now we have 10, who worked in a loosely coordinated manner. The fact that we know as much as we do is testament to some pretty solid counterintelligence work.

Perhaps Drezner is unimpressed because of the nature of the suspects’ work: The press has categorized them more as talent-spotters who would recruit Americans in influential positions to provide information, not the actual spies themselves who’d bring documents out of sensitive government buildings. But I think categorization is likely an underestimation of what they actually did. These individuals may have recruited talent, but they also would have probably played a role in transmitting information back to Moscow.

The group was likely composed of Russia’s best. Remember the first (and best) Mission:Impossible with the “NOC” list? NOC stands for Non-Official Cover, and that’s what we’re talking about here — deep cover spies whose true identities are hidden from all but a handful of people. When Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov claims to have no idea what this is all about, that’s because he really doesn’t. Anonymity and deniability is by design.

Click over to Jeff Stein’s SpyTalk blog to get a flavor of how seamlessly the ring blended in with their American communities. I always find it hysterical that the neighbors are so shocked when spies in their midst are exposed — if the neighbors aren’t shocked that the normal-looking Canadian next door was leading a massive international Russian spy ring, then that would be news.

The investigation went on for nearly 10 years. Seem excessive? Why, after all, would we let these guys continue to spy on the U.S. if we knew what they were up to? Since this group served as talent spotters and intelligence mules, their operations had to be drawn out and subtle as they slowly became comfortable with, and then pitched, their recruits.

To firm up their cover, they’d spend months and months working their “real jobs” and only dip into the shadowy underworld on occasion and when they felt safe. Furthermore, the FBI needed to catch them absolutely red-handed, which is no easy task. Nothing like starting a potentially massive international scandal without iron-clad proof, huh? The FBI finally got what they needed on Sunday, with a fake dead drop of $5,000. And the decade-long investigation probably means that any intelligence damage has been limited. By keeping tabs on them for so long, we should know their extended network fairly well.

Should we be surprised that Russia is still spying on us? Hell no. We do it to them. And other countries, including our close allies, do it to us (albeit for varying motives). Everyone’s looking for an informational advantage, and that’s what spying can get you.

Finally, there’s been a lot made of the timing of this incident, right on the heels of Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s visit to DC. Accordingly, we should expect Russian retaliation just to save face — they’ll probably PNG a handful of low-level diplomats whom they suspect of doubling as spies.

This could become a major international incident akin to Britain’s deteriorating relations with Moscow after the 2006 murder in London of Alexander Litvinenko, likely by Russian intelligence agents. However, I doubt it will. The timing of the arrests was bad, but they send a message of subtle strength to the Kremlin — despite wanting good relations with Moscow, Washington won’t be pushed around.

Photo credit: worldeconomicforum

Can Republicans Run the Table in November?

Tuesday, June 29th, 2010
Ed Kilgore



Ed Kilgore is a PPI senior fellow, as well as managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, an online forum.

by Ed Kilgore

A lot of the buzz about Republican prospects for retaking control of the U.S. House is based on fairly abstract factors, such as historical averages and national generic ballot polls. But in reality, of course, elections are individual contests, no matter how “nationalized” the cycle. And four months and change out from the November elections, it’s worth taking a somewhat more concrete look at the House landscape and where Democrats are vulnerable.

For purposes of this analysis, I’ll use the authoritative (if somewhat conservative, in the sense of caution about predicting incumbent losses) Cook Political Report ratings as of June 24 (no link, because it’s subscription-only). According to Cook’s highly astute David Wasserman, there are 66 seats currently held by Democrats that are involved in competitive races. Of those, nearly half (32) are actually rated as “lean D” at the moment. To win control of the House, Republicans need a net gain of 40 seats, and seven of their own seats are in competitive races, including three (DE-AL, HI-1 and LA-2) that most observers consider very likely to flip. So from the get-go, retaking the House will require a very high win rate for Republicans in competitive races, and/or continued improvement in their overall national standing—i.e., races now deemed “Likely D” slipping into the competitive range.

Looking at the 66 vulnerable Democratic seats, 15 are open. That’s a reasonably large number, but only half of the 30 open seats Democrats had in the last Republican “wave” election of 1994 (Republicans had 26 open seats in 2008, greatly helping the Democrats achieve a second straight big winning cycle). Twenty-five seats, however, are represented by freshmen, traditionally the most vulnerable incumbents. Most significantly, 51 of the 66 seats have a pro-Republican Partisan Voter Index (PVI), based on an average of party performance in the last two presidential elections. This indicates that most Republican gains in November will be a “correction” of recent overperformance by Democrats in House races rather than a true GOP “wave.” And it’s a reminder of the simple but often overlooked fact that because all members of the House face re-election every two years, a “landslide” is not defined by gains, but rather by overall performance. A GOP “landslide” in November would involve gains of closer to 100 seats than to the 40 necessary to eke out a small margin of control.

There are not any large regional disparities among the vulnerable Democratic seats: 18 are in the South, 18 in the Northeast, 18 in the Midwest and 12 in the West. Nor is it easy to typecast vulnerable Democrats by ideology: an analysis of the ideology of Democratic incumbents in competitive races published just yesterday by Swing State Project shows they span the intra-party ideological spectrum quite broadly.

Meanwhile, Nate Silver of FiveThirtyEight has just released an update of his Senate race forecast, which now shows a slight improvement in Democratic prospects compared to his last forecast a couple of months ago.  His model now predicts as a matter of probabilities that Democrats should get through November with 55 senators, with the Republicans holding 44 and, perhaps, one true independent (Charlie Crist). Silver gives Republicans a six percent chance of running the table and taking control of the Senate, a figure that improves to 12 percent if they can convince both Joe Lieberman and Charlie Crist (if he wins) to caucus with them.

Poll Watch

In polling news, two new surveys of the Massachusetts gubernatorial race by the University of New Hampshire and Rasmussen both show vulnerable incumbent Democrat Deval Patrick maintaining a seven-point lead over Republican Charlie Baker, with independent Tim Cahill losing steam. A rare poll of the Wyoming governor’s race (again by Rasmussen) shows the importance of term limits: four different Republicans have sizable leads over three different Democrats, while lame duck Democratic Gov. David Freudenthal enjoys an approval/disapproval ratio of 72/25 (a bit better than President Obama’s 30/70).

Yet another Rasmussen poll is the first post-primary survey of the South Carolina governor’s race, and given the positive hype surrounding Nikki Haley after her runoff win, Democrat Vincent Sheheen should be pleased to be trailing only 52-40 (his approval/disapproval ratio is 50/35, while Haley’s is predictably and perhaps temporarily in the stratosphere at 70/26).  And while it’s hardly that significant at this early stage, it’s interesting that a PPP survey of Texas Republicans shows Newt Gingrich leading the 2012 presidential field, with or without Rick Perry listed as an option. Presumed front-runner Mitt Romney is in the middle of the pack.

Ed Kilgore’s PPI Political Memo runs every Tuesday and Friday.

Photo credit: Dbking’s Photosream

National Journal: Labor’s Uphill Climb This Year

Tuesday, June 29th, 2010
Steven Chlapecka



Steven K. Chlapecka is the director of public affairs for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Steven Chlapecka

PPI President Will Marshall tells the National Journal‘s Eliza Newlin Carney that labor’s aggressive fight to unseat incumbent Democrats has been destructive and a losing strategy for Democrats to maintain a congressional majority:

The unions’ Arkansas challenge angered Democrats, from the White House on down. Some argue that the tens of millions of dollars that labor threw into the race was a waste, especially given that Arkansas is not union-friendly. Demanding loyalty to base voters, as tea party activists have set out to do in several GOP primaries, is a losing strategy for Democrats, said Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

“Trying to enforce litmus tests and punish Democrats for ideological heresy [is] divisive and does not reflect the reality that Democrats are inevitably a coalition party,” Marshall said. He called the labor movement’s anti-Lincoln campaign “extraordinarily destructive.”

“The sad truth is that labor has not found a way to arrest its decline in the private economy,” Marshall added. “And this year, for the first time, we see more labor union members in the public sector than in the private sector.”

Read the entire article.

Evening Fix

Monday, June 28th, 2010
Elbert Ventura



Elbert Ventura is the managing editor of Democracy: A Journal of Ideas. He formerly served as the managing editor of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Elbert Ventura

Some of the day’s best reads:

  • William Galston files a dispatch from Jerusalem: “I visit Israel at least once a year, so I have an opportunity to observe changes in the country’s concerns. Never before have I sensed such a mood of foreboding, which has been triggered by two issues above all — the looming impasse in relations with the United States and a possible military confrontation with Iran.”
  • Joel Kotkin looks at the changing demographics of America: “The America of 2050 will most likely remain the one truly transcendent superpower in terms of society, technology and culture. It will rely on what has been called America’s ‘civil religion’ — its ability to forge a unique common national culture amid great diversity of people and place.”
  • Ron Brownstein analyzes the public mood leading up to the fall elections: “So far, public hostility to government is shaping the midterm election far more than alienation from business. “
  • Peter Beinart considers the president’s winning streak: “I know this is supposed to be Barack Obama’s summer of discontent. The oil spill is still gushing; the economy is still floundering; the Afghan war is deteriorating; Americans don’t find him so charming anymore. But have you noticed that when it comes to actual policy, he keeps racking up the wins?”
  • Yale Environment 360 has a report on the increasing importance of natural gas to our energy future.

RIP Robert Byrd

Monday, June 28th, 2010
Ed Kilgore



Ed Kilgore is a PPI senior fellow, as well as managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, an online forum.

by Ed Kilgore

It’s been a tough year for the Democratic tradition in the U.S. Senate, with the loss of Edward Kennedy and the solidification of the Almighty Filibuster as the real power in the institution. But the death of Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia really does turn a lot of pages, while denying the Senate its unrivalled historian and parliamentarian.

Byrd’s tenure alone makes him one of the titans of Senate history: more than a half-century, spanning the administrations of eleven presidents. He was, however, the junior senator from West Virginia until he was 68, and in another reflection of the Senate’s slow pace of change, his career overlapped with only five Democratic leaders — not counting Byrd himself.

When Byrd was first elected to the Senate in 1958, Democrats from his corner of the world were typically hard-core segregationists and equally hard-core New Deal economic progressives. He abandoned and apologized for the former habit, but never the latter. The persistent poverty of West Virginia — for much of career it included some of the very poorest areas of the country — made it one place where politicians never shrank from the full exercise of power on behalf of the home folks, or from celebration of the seniority system that gave Byrd and so many others the clout to serve as equalizers. Byrd became the embodiment of Senate traditions for good reason: they served his constituents well.

He survived wave after wave of efforts in both parties to change the Senate and make it more responsive to national political trends, and might well have survived one or two more had he been born 10 years later. He also survived wave after wave of efforts to bend Congress to the will of presidents of both parties, and in that respect was more consistent than most of his colleagues in both parties.

In this era of political turbulence and simmering resentment of professional politicians, it’s unlikely America will ever see another senator like him. And so in a very real sense a big part of national history will go to the grave with him. His distinctive and authoritative voice will be missed, and may he rest in peace.

This item is cross-posted at The Democratic Strategist.

Photo credit: cliff1066™’s Photostream

Dodd-Frank Hits and Misses

Monday, June 28th, 2010
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

First the giant stimulus package, then the ambitious revamping of America’s health care delivery system. Now Congress, under the patient prodding of President Obama, is lurching toward passage of another stupendously complex bill, this time centered on financial regulatory reform. Whether you like them or not, you have to admit that big things are getting done in Washington on Obama’s watch.

If Congress passes the Dodd-Frank bill, it will be another major notch in the belt of a president who could use a political victory about now. But what’s a non-master of the universe like me to make of this 2,000-page behemoth?

It may do considerable good, but we ought to be clear about one thing: It won’t prevent the next financial crisis. As long as there are fortunes to be made in financial markets, there will be excessive risk-taking and speculation, new bubbles and panics, and powerful incentives for chicanery and fraud. No regulatory scheme can fully protect the public against ingenious new forms of human greed and folly.

That, however, is not an argument for doing nothing. The government had to react to Wall Street’s near meltdown in the winter of 2008-2009. Its interventions, beginning under President Bush and continuing into Obama’s administration, doubtless averted a full-bore financial collapse. But they also triggered a fierce and abiding public backlash against bailouts.

The Dodd-Frank bill doesn’t get everything right, but on balance it’s a reasonable response to the crisis. It imposes new disciplines on bank behavior, increases transparency for complex financial transactions and institutions, and offers consumers new protections against the clever breed of predators who have degrees from elite universities and sport $3,000 suits.

Some liberals are chagrined that the bill doesn’t break up the big banks. Conservatives echo the Wall Street Journal’s charges that the bill is a regulatory nightmare that will make it more expensive for banks to supply capital to businesses. It’s tempting to say that Sen. Chris Dodd (D-CT) and Rep. Frank (D-MA) must therefore have found some kind of centrist sweet spot, but there is something to the left-right critiques.

Most important, for example, the bill doesn’t slay the “too-big-to-fail” dragon. It leaves financial power more concentrated than ever in the hands of five mega-banks: Goldman Sachs, J.P. Morgan, Citigroup, Morgan Stanley and Bank of America. True, Dodd-Frank does impose the “Volcker Rule,” forbidding banks covered by federal deposit insurance from making bets (called “proprietary trading”) with their own money.  It increases capital reserve requirements to keep banks from taking excessive risks. It also sets up a council of financial guardians to anticipate systemic risks, and gives federal authorities power to seize and oversee the “orderly liquidation” of financial firms whose collapse could bring other institutions down as well.

But it’s hard to avoid the impression that the big banks will henceforth operate with a tacit government guarantee against systemic failure. This not only intensifies moral hazard – making it hard for administration officials to claim the bill would bar bailouts in the future – it also risks creating a privileged class of quasi-public banking utilities that will be able to borrow money more cheaply. That will raise the bar for new entrants and dampen competition in the banking sector.

Elsewhere, the picture looks more positive. Dodd-Frank would move much of the trade in financial derivatives onto exchanges and clearinghouses, though banks could still trade in over-the-counter derivatives to hedge their own risks. This seems like a sensible compromise that brings derivatives trading out of the shadows while retaining the ability of firms to hedge against interest rate and currency risks. In another boost for transparency, the bill would require private equity firms and hedge funds to register with regulators.

Dodd-Frank also puts in place what Obama last week called “the strongest consumer financial protections in history.” It creates a new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau housed with the Fed to police mortgage lending, credit and debit cards and other consumer loans – though not by auto dealers, who somehow won an exemption from oversight. This agency presumably will prevent abuses like the “no doc” and “liar” loans that helped to trigger the subprime lending frenzy, which was the spark that started the financial crisis.

The bill doesn’t deal at all with Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. This is a huge omission, considering that these giant mortgage finance firms still hold a pile of dubious assets and are essentially in federal receivership.

For all its imperfections, Dodd-Frank seeks to protect consumers without creating undue regulatory obstacles to innovation in the financial sector, which traditionally has been a source of comparative economic advantage for the U.S. Pragmatic progressives ought to support it, while retaining a sense of humility about the ability of new regulatory bodies to prevent future abuses.

Photo credit: Center for American Progress Action Fund