Posts Tagged ‘ Will Marshall ’

Marshall in The Hill: Obama Reduced to Tactical Maneuvering

Tuesday, September 27th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

PPI President Will Marshall has an opinion piece in The Hill today. Check it out here:

President Obama’s plan to raise taxes on the rich has liberals brimming with excitement. Finally, a Democrat who fights back against the plutocracy!

Given the steady erosion of his personal approval rating this year, it’s little wonder that Obama’s tax initiative is having a tonic effect on his demoralized base. Substantively, it’s a frontal assault on the GOP’s anti-tax fundamentalism, which unquestionably has become the chief obstacle to solving the nation’s fiscal crisis.

Such merits aside, however, Obama’s gambit is distressingly tactical. While his new deficit-reduction plan advances boldly on the revenue front, it retreats on entitlement reforms the president has previously endorsed. It thus falls short of the “grand bargain” every serious observer knows will have to be struck to control the debt.

What’s more, the populist mantle sits on Obama like an ill-fitting suit — it just doesn’t jibe with his essentially rational and equable persona.

Unlike the Washington commentariat, the public isn’t all that interested in Obama’s repositioning(s) along the political spectrum. Against monolithic GOP opposition, it doesn’t matter whether Obama shifts to the center or feints to the left. What Americans want is the man a solid majority of them voted for — a leader who can rise above today’s polarization and rally the country behind a convincing vision for solving the nation’s structural problems and recapturing America’s economic mojo.

Read the rest of it by clicking here.

Photo credit: Justin Sloan

Why America Needs a New Deal for Labor and Business

Tuesday, September 6th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

Just before Labor Day, PPI’s President Will Marshall had an opinion piece in The Atlantic, in which he proposed reorienting the relationship of organized labor. Rather than adversaries, they should be partners. Here’s an excerpt:

President Obama is cobbling together a new jobs package for September, but it won’t be enough to revive the economy. Instead of offering another grab-bag of micro-initiatives, the administration needs to embrace a different model for growth that stimulates production rather than consumption, saving rather than borrowing and exports rather than imports.

This strategy emphasizes investment in the nation’s physical, human and knowledge capital–infrastructure, skilled workers and new technology. That’s a better way to raise U.S. wages and living standards than a new jolt of fiscal stimulus.

Getting consumers spending again will boost demand, but much of it will leak overseas via rising imports, stimulating foreign rather than U.S. production. In a world awash with cheap labor, where technology gaps are narrowing rapidly, a wealthy society like ours can thrive only by speeding the pace of economic innovation and capturing its value in jobs that stay in America.

The shift from a consumer-oriented to a producer-centered society won’t happen without a new partnership between labor and business–and a shift in outlook among workers themselves. Organized or not, U.S. workers should think of themselves first and foremost as producers rather than consumers. They have a compelling interest in keeping the companies they work for competitive, and in supporting a new economic policy framework that enables investment, entrepreneurship and domestic production. This reality points to new relations between workers and companies, and new political alliances.

A GRAND BARGAIN FOR LABOR

In the post-war compact of the 1950s and 1960s, workers offered loyalty and labor offered peace to companies in return for stable jobs with decent pay and benefits. But the deal between labor and capital changed as globalization took hold. Workers gave up job security; in return, they got low consumer prices and access to easy credit. Despite access to cheap foreign goods, however, real incomes fell for most households, as real wages dropped and job growth in most parts of the private sector virtually disappeared. Easy credit was used to fund consumption rather than investment in human capital.

Now, at a time when America’s economic preeminence cannot be taken for granted, the interests of workers are converging with those of companies, foreign and domestic, that want to invest in the U.S. economy. In a new compact for competitiveness, workers would pay more attention to innovation, workplace flexibility and productivity gains. Companies would invest more in upgrading workers’ skills, help them balance the pressures of work and family, and pay them middle class wages and benefits.

Two unions are pointing the way toward such a bargain: the United Auto Workers (UAW) and the Communications Workers of America (CWA).

Read the rest by clicking here to find out how. Read Marshall’s full policy briefing on the subject by clicking here.

Defense’s Careful Contribution to Deficit Reduction

Thursday, August 25th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

PPI’s Will Marshall and Jim Arkedis have a piece in the Detroit News this morning on the defense budget. Here’s an excerpt:

Recently, Republican and Democratic leaders of Congress unveiled their choices to head the so-called “super committee” entrusted with forging a long-term agreement to reduce the nation’s deficit.

The stakes are high for the Department of Defense. Should the super committee fail to propose legislation, or a divided Congress fail to pass a compromise, the deal to avert national default would automatically trigger a $500 billion cut from the Pentagon’s budget. Added to the $350 billion already cut by the deal, the Pentagon’s budget could shrink by $850 trillion over 10 years.

If the Department of Defense is forced to make such a substantial contribution to deficit reduction, one point is clear: Our political leaders remain unwilling to tackle the national deficit’s two main cost drivers — entitlements and taxes.

Nothing is set in stone, but the congressional super committee now faces two crucial questions: Should defense contribute more toward deficit reduction? And, if so, how do we save?

Our answers are that defense can contribute, but carefully.

Continue reading in the Detroit News by clicking here.

Photo credit: Brave Heart.

Will Marshall Tackles Democrat Entitlement Anger in Politico’s Arena

Friday, July 8th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

PPI President Will Marshall today discussed the “Hill Democrats Entitlement Mentality” in a post for Politico’s Arena today.

“House liberals, on the other hand, want to use “protecting Medicare” as a cudgel against GOP opponents in next year’s elections. That’s understandable, but can Democrats really afford to torpedo prospects for long-term debt reduction to win a few marginal House districts?”

Read the full post here.

Will Marshall Featured in the Washington Examiner

Tuesday, July 5th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

President of the Progressive Policy Institute Will Marshall was quoted in a weekend article of the Washington Examiner discussing possible Democratic reaction to a debt ceiling deal.

“The president’s display of exasperation was very revealing,” said Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute. “He feels like he’s already made concessions and he was met with utter intransigence. I don’t think he’s personally inclined — or has the political space — to make more.”

Read the full article here.

Will Marshall Dives Into Politico’s Arena

Thursday, June 30th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

President of the Progressive Policy Institute, Will Marshall participated in the Politico’s Arena today discussing the implications of yesterday’s presidential press conference.

“President Obama was dead right in calling out Republicans for their childish flight from political responsibility. The only question is why it took him so long.”

Read the full opinion here.

Buying Time in Afghanistan

Thursday, June 23rd, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

President Obama is taking heat for announcing troop withdrawals last night without clarifying U.S. war aims in Afghanistan. Yet his basic strategy couldn’t be clearer. It is to depart Afghanistan gradually – a fighting withdrawal – to maximize the odds that the Taliban won’t be able to take over once U.S. troops are gone.

It may not work, but it’s hard to see a better alternative. The United States can’t “win” this war in any conventional sense. We can’t defeat the Taliban, which unfortunately has an ethnic and popular base in Pashtun regions. We can’t afford nation-building in Afghanistan right now, even if we knew how to do it. We can’t make the central government fundamentally less corrupt and more effective in delivering basic services. The best we can do is to build and train Afghan security forces, bolster local resistance to the Taliban and degrade the insurgents’ military strength.

This course at least gives Afghans a fighting chance to keep the Taliban at bay without foreign help, and may reinforce efforts to find a political resolution to the conflict. Otherwise, the United States faces an unpalatable choice between getting out quickly and hoping for the best, or an endless military engagement to prevent Afghanistan from once again becoming a haven for Islamist militancy and terror plots.

The political media interpreted Obama’s decision to withdraw 10,000 troops as a bid to split the difference between a public that seems increasingly disenchanted with the war and U.S. military leaders, who believe we are making progress against the insurgency. In fact, the president’s purpose was to buy time for the U.S. military to continue its campaign to weaken the Taliban. Here’s the headline we should have seen: “Obama promises three more years of war.”

The president plans to draw down an additional 20,000 troops by next summer, but that will leave over 60,000 U.S. troops in the fight until 2014. He argued that his surge of 30,000 additional troops into Afghanistan has succeeded in dislodging the Taliban from broad swaths of the south. Meanwhile, drone attacks have taken a heavy toll on al Qaeda and Taliban leaders in Pakistan, and of course U.S. forces finally caught up with Osama bin Laden. It wasn’t quite a “mission accomplished” moment, but Obama clearly believes these tactical gains justify a more deliberate withdrawal than many in his own party – and a growing band of restive Republicans – would like.

In a sense, Obama is applying the Iraq template to Afghanistan. His pledge during the campaign to withdraw all U.S. troops from Iraq by 2012 helped cool anti-war passions at home and give Gen. David Petraeus’s surge a chance to work. Likewise, by setting a date certain for an end to U.S. operations in Afghanistan, Obama buys time to build on the U.S. military’s hard-won successes.

The big difference, though, is that Iraq’s Sunnis turned against al Qaeda. The Taliban is an indigenous insurgency, not an imported conspiracy like al Qaeda. And the longer U.S. forces stay in Afghanistan, the more they risk triggering a broader and more nationalistic revolt against the latest foreign invader.

Obama is betting that we have a brief window of opportunity to wear down the still unpopular Taliban before that sort of transformation can take place, and before war-weary Americans give up on the Afghan mission. It’s not a bet that inspires confidence, but for now it’s the least-bad option.

Photo Credit: Dan Love

Will Marshall Featured in Democracy Digest on Obama’s Speech

Thursday, May 19th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

PPI President Will Marshall is featured today in Democracy Digest on President Obama’s Middle East speech. Please click this link to read the entire article:

The Arab revolt is history’s unanticipated gift to President Obama. It enables him to move beyond a desultory flirtation with “realism” and to realign U.S. policy toward the Middle East with liberal values that do turn out, after all, to be as attractive to Arabs as they are to Americans.

It’s true that Obama comes late to the region’s dance of democracy. It’s also true that Washington’s embrace of the popular uprisings hasn’t been utterly consistent. But such cavils pale beside the important fact that, however hesitantly and belatedly, Obama is abrogating America’s Faustian bargain with Arab tyrants.

In the short-term, this break with the sterile politics of “stability” could confront U.S. policy makers with complications and some nasty, unintended consequences. Over the long haul, however, reinforcing homegrown demands for economic opportunity, free expression and political pluralism is the best antidote to the region’s endemic misgovernance and convulsive political violence.

Continue reading here.

Will Marshall in Politico on the Gang of Six

Wednesday, May 18th, 2011
The Progressive Policy Institute





by The Progressive Policy Institute

Head on over to Politico’s site today to see Will Marshall’s take on the implosion of the Gang of Six, a group of Senators trying to forge a bipartisan compromise on the budget. Here’s an excerpt, but click here to read the whole piece:

Sen. Tom Coburn’s defection from the Gang of Six obviously sets back prospects for restoring fiscal sanity in Washington. Nonetheless, the now diminished Gang remains the only plausible vehicle for advancing the political breakthrough achieved by the president’s Fiscal Commission.

To the surprise of many jaded Washington observers, the commission struck a fiscal “grand bargain” that marries tax and entitlement reform. Defying the Norquist Doctrine, Coburn and two other GOP senators agreed to close tax expenditures and use the savings not only to lower individual and corporate tax rates, but also to cut the federal deficit. This prompted a reciprocal act of political courage by several Democrats led by Sen. Dick Durbin, who embraced Social Security reforms unpopular with liberals.

Continue reading the whole piece at Politico.

Small Spending Cuts’ Big Impact on America in the Middle East

Wednesday, February 23rd, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

Jim Arkedis



Jim Arkedis is the director of PPI's National Security Project.

by Will Marshall and Jim Arkedis

Now is the winter of discontent for Middle East dictators. A great political awakening is roiling the region – which makes this exactly the wrong moment to weaken America’s ability to help people struggling to free themselves.

House Republicans, however, are determined to do just that. Oblivious to the growing democratic ferment in the Muslim world, they voted last week to cut funding for U.S. diplomacy and assistance by some $4.4 billion, along with a haircut for the National Endowment for Democracy (or NED, and full disclosure: Will Marshall is a member of NED’s board). Although it usually flies under policy-makers’ radar, the NED is America’s premier instrument for assisting democratic transitions in long-closed societies.

To be fair, President Obama’s new budget proposes an even deeper cut (12 percent versus the GOP’s six percent) in the NED’s already miniscule $118 million budget, though it wouldn’t take effect until next year.

These changes were tucked deep in the giant, $61 billion package of 2011 spending reductions the House approved last week in a frenzy of misplaced fiscal probity. We hope the Senate doesn’t overlook them as it tries to salvage something sensible from the House package and continue funding the federal government. If you want to establish your bona fides as a resolute budget cutter and enemy of big deficits, domestic spending isn’t the place to look for serious savings. The real money is in the big middle class entitlement programs and in tax expenditures, backdoor spending programs that cost the federal government over $1 trillion a year.

We are fiscal hawks, but these untimely cuts in democracy assistance illustrate the perfect folly of trying to balance the budget on the back of domestic discretionary spending, which accounts for only 13 percent of total federal outlays. They are too small to make an appreciable dent in America’s $1.6 trillion deficit, but they would curtail our ability to support the spread of America’s democratic ideals in the Middle East and elsewhere.

The NED was established in 1983 under the bipartisan auspices of Ronald Reagan and Democratic Rep. Dante Fascell of Florida. They believed the United States needed a non-official way to lend a helping hand to homegrown reformers. Funneling support through a non-government entity like the NED rather than the State Department or USAID makes it hard for autocrats to tar recipients as tools of American policy.

Since its inception, NED has backed virtually every significant struggle for freedom in the world. It helped ease democratic political transitions in Poland, Chile, South Africa, Nigeria and Russia. Crucially, it nurtures political dissidents from Burma to Cuba, including Nobel Laureate Liu Xiaobo in China, as well as countless lesser-known but equally courageous champions of human rights and democracy.

The NED and its core institutes are active in the Middle East and North Africa, although its nearly $22 million in annual grants to the region now seems wholly inadequate. In Egypt, for example, its micro-grants support youth participation in government, workers’ rights and – presciently, in light of the crucial role Twitter and Facebook played in drawing crowds to Cairo’s Tahrir square – digital media workshops for young people. In Yemen, another flash point, the NED supports young entrepreneurs and helps human rights and women’s empowerment groups build capacity.

Facing a snap vote in just six months, Egypt is ill-prepared for a democratic transition. It has no organized opposition parties and its civic groups, non-governmental organizations, and democratic institutions are—to be generous—underdeveloped. This is no time to be denying U.S. policy-makers the tools they need to help. But seeding the ground for democracy in the Middle East is a long game. Whatever the outcome in Egypt, we need a sustained and strengthened effort to help local reformers throughout the region put in place the building blocks of an independent civil society and functioning democracy.

That is the NED’s mission, and it needs more resources, not fewer. If our political leaders really want to show they are serious about whittling down America’s monstrous debts, they ought to follow Willie Sutton’s advice and go where the money is.

Memo To Obama: Rise Above Party

Tuesday, January 4th, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

As you think about how to regain public support for your administration, Mr. President, one political imperative looms above all others: winning back the independents who voted for you in 2008 but abandoned the Democratic Party in 2010.

Independents are a motley political crew. Most habitually vote for one party or the other. But as many as a third of those who self-identify as independent really are nonaligned. How you can reach these true swing voters is a subject of endless debate in progressive circles. Centrists argue that you should move to the center. Liberals insist that by standing firm for progressive principles, the center will move to you. Persuading independents, however, is less a matter of political positioning than effective governing.

What these voters are looking for can be summed up succinctly: a more prosperous economy, a more disciplined government, and a more responsive political system that yields results, not partisan deadlock. These voters are upset not because they think you’ve gone socialist, but because they feel you haven’t delivered on these three fronts.

Read the entire article in Washington Monthly

Framing the Fiscal Battle

Monday, January 3rd, 2011
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

Republicans are convinced they have a mandate to cut government down to size. That’s hard to do when you only control one House of Congress, and harder still when your fiscal plans are fraught with internal contradictions.

It’s not even clear, for instance, what Republicans really want to accomplish. Senator-elect Kelly Ayotte, delivering the GOP’s weekly address Jan. 1, said that “Job one is to stop wasteful Washington spending.” At the same time, she said that “Congress must get serious about meaningful debt reduction.”

So which is it—cut public spending or cut public deficits? That’s a distinction with a difference, especially to investors worried about the basic soundness of the U.S. economy. To them, deficits are simply the arithmetic result of government spending too much, taxing too little or both, as is clearly the case today. Last month, Republicans struck a deal with President Obama on a tax cut package that will add $950 billion to the nation’s debts. Key GOP House leaders have made it clear they will oppose any tax hikes to solve the budget crisis, which they pretend is purely a matter of overspending.

Ayotte seemed closer to the mark in saying Republicans come to Washington to “make government smaller, not bigger.” In practice, however, that ideological goal may not be compatible with what the public seems to want. Independent voters especially have focused on narrowing the enormous deficits that force America to get deeper and deeper in hock to Chinese and other foreign lenders.

And if Republicans are serious about taking taxes off the table, they’ll have to make even deeper cuts in public spending—including Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid—to close our yawning budget gaps. It will be interesting to see which GOP bravos are willing to walk that plank. Thus far, House Republicans are proposing only cosmetic cuts, like trimming the House budget by $25 million. It’s a good idea for the House to discipline its own spending, but in a $3 trillion budget, that’s chump change.

Meanwhile, the GOP is planning to vitiate budget caps imposed by the previous Congress. Under the caps, any new spending or tax cuts would have to be offset by equivalent spending cuts or tax hikes. Republicans would eliminate the later requirement, so that tax cuts too would trigger deeper spending cuts. This of course is a formula for a deepening fiscal crisis and intensifying polarization between the two parties. And House Republicans will take a run at repealing Obamacare, which would certainly reduce federal spending but actually increase future budget gaps. In any event, it’s not happening

Some of the more fervid Tea Party types are even threatening to vote against raising the debt ceiling in March if Democrats don’t agree to new spending cuts. If they are serious, this could mean America would default on its debts for the first time in history. It would be, as Obama’s chief economic adviser, Austan Goolsbee, said yesterday, an act of political insanity, the equivalent of taking yourself hostage and threatening to shoot.

Finally, there’s the crucial question of timing. Incoming House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan reportedly is planning a package or rescissions aimed at cutting about 21 percent from 2011 spending Congress approved last year. The aim is to return domestic spending to its 2008 level, before Obama took office.

The risk is that withdrawing a significant chunk of fiscal stimulus could abort an economic recovery that at last seems to be getting traction. There’s no question that Americans want to restore fiscal discipline in Washington, but what they want even more is for the economy to grow and unemployment to start falling.

Goolsbee hinted that Obama’s next budget also will contain some spending cuts. But the GOP’s ideological zeal to cut government gives Obama an opportunity to offer a more pragmatic approach that puts jobs growth first, while taking balanced and gradual steps to put the federal government on a fiscally sustainable course.

Progressives do need to get serious about getting federal spending under control. But by framing the coming fiscal battles as a choice between a more robust economy and a smaller government, they can speak directly to Americans’ number one priority and thereby regain the political initiative.