Posts Tagged ‘ lobbying ’

Lobbyists and Corporations Have Too Much Power?

Thursday, April 14th, 2011
Lee Drutman



Lee Drutman is a senior fellow and the managing editor for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Lee Drutman

I’ve been mulling over a Gallup Poll that came out this week on who has too much power. You probably won’t be surprised to hear that majorities of Americans think that the following three groups have too much power: lobbyists (71 percent); major corporations (67 percent), banks and financial institutions (67 percent). The assessments are remarkably bipartisan.

But the poll also reflects a broader distrust of power in institutions generally, and poses a challenging puzzle: how do you reduce the power of one set of institutions without raising the power of another set of institutions with potentially opposing interests? My view is that you can’t, and Americans need to face up to that sooner or later.

First off, it’s worth noting that the poll results are nothing new. If you look at National Elections Studies polling, you’ll find that since the mid-1980s, solid majorities of Democrats, Republicans, and Independents (65-70 percent) have been convinced that government is run for the benefit of a few big interests, with the one exception being that for a few brief years under George W. Bush (2002 and 2004), only about 40 percent of Republicans thought this way.

Arguably, one of the reasons that corporations appear to have so much power is that they are incredibly well-represented in Washington by lobbyists. I’ve calculated that for every one lobbyist representing a union or public interest group, there are now 16 lobbyists representing business interests, up from about a 12-to-1 ratio in 1981 (still pretty high). Of course, this conflates the power of corporations and lobbyists, and banks are a subset of corporations. However, I think it’s a fair conflation.

But the thing about power is that it’s relative. In a Madisonian view of American democracy, the most effective way to deal with powerful “factions” (Madison’s term for special interests) is to empower other factions that have opposed interests, in the hope that out of the rough-and-tumble clash, something that resembles the public interest can emerge. Madison’s alternative would be to try to eliminate the power of one institution by stripping it of its rights to participate in the political process, which he rightly called this approach a “remedy…worse than the disease.”

So, if you think corporations, banks, and the lobbyists who represent them have too much power, following this logic means you need to empower another institution that could reasonably go head-to-head with these organizations, and in the process help to produce a better compromise outcome.

But here’s the thing about the American people: they’re skeptical of power from any institution. Gallup also asked whether various institutions in society didn’t have enough power. The organization that most frequently came up as having not enough power was the military, which is actually a bit frightening. But only 28 percent of respondents thought this. Other institutions that came close were unions (24 percent) and organized religion and churches (24 percent as well)

Unions, of course, are the most likely candidate to go head-to-head with corporations, but predictably, Republicans don’t like unions (69 percent they have too much power, 10 percent not enough); Democrats are more favorable to Unions (only 20 percent say the have too much power, as compared to 39 percent who think they don’t have enough.)

The federal government might also have the ability to go head-to-head with corporations and their lobbyists, if one believes the government is capable of acting as an independent entity. But not surprisingly, 75 percent of Republicans and 67 percent of independents think government has too much power, compared to just 34 percent of Democrats. Usually independents fall somewhere between the two parties on a given issue, so that fact that they are so strongly worried about the power of government should be a troubling sign for Democrats. Still, only 18 percent of Democrats (and 7 percent of Republicans and 4 percent of Independents) want to give federal government more power.

In many ways, the Tea Party Republicans share the same hopeful faith of Brandeis liberals of a century ago: that somehow we can return to an idealized America of small, local institutions, and thus avoid the concentration of economic power that inevitably leads to political power. (Of course, it’s worth noting that Republicans didn’t exactly jump on an amendment to limit the size of big banks when it was offered last year to the Dodd-Frank Bill.)

The reality remains that until we come up with reasonable ways to offer countervailing forces to balance out the influence that large corporations and their lobbyists have in Washington, the “too much power” numbers will remain high, as will the perception that Washington is only working for a few big interests. Unions may not be the right way to do this, and expanding the government may not be the right way to do this either. But we ought to come up with something smarter than nostalgically hoping for a return to some Edenic past.

Obama Gets His Comeuppance For Failing the Lobbying Purity Test

Friday, February 25th, 2011
Lee Drutman



Lee Drutman is a senior fellow and the managing editor for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Lee Drutman

If you search through the White House visitor logs, you can find me. In fact, I’ve been to the Obama White House twice (though I seem to have two records for the same visit). Let me explain: A good friend of mine worked at CEQ for a while. Once, she took some friends on a tour of the White House. Once, we went to see the Christmastime decorations at the East Wing. However, if I had visited this friend at her office, which was not the White House but instead at Jackson Place, there’d be no trace of me in the White House visitor logs.

Yesterday, Politico ran a story noting this fact and insinuating that lobbying meetings were intentionally being moved to Jackson Place, or to the nearby Caribou Coffee on 17th Street, just so that they wouldn’t show up in the visitor logs. Many bloggers, especially those on the right have jumped all over Obama for this supposed hypocrisy. The ever-clever Michelle Malkin triumphantly rhymed: “Obama lied, transparency died.” Common Cause asked Obama to disclose every meeting regardless of where it occurs.

Now, I really don’t know if the Administration moved meetings off-campus so that they didn’t show up in the visitor logs. It seems to me like a silly thing to do. I’m trying to imagine what visitor would be so terrible that his or her presence in the visitor logs would be an instant scandal. I can’t. Based on what I know about the scarcity of space in the White House, I’m willing to buy the rationale that meetings were held elsewhere just because that’s where space could be found.

But I can see why people in the White House might be unnecessarily sensitive about who they are meeting with. The problem is that from Day One, when the Administration placed a ban on registered lobbyists serving in the White House, it tried to place itself somehow above and beyond the influence of lobbyists.

But as anybody who has spent any time in Washington knows, lobbyists are part of the policymaking fabric in this town, like it or not. To try to govern without at least getting their input and occasional buy-in is simply impossible. There are reasons to be concerned about their influence and power, but simply demonizing them as to-be-avoided-at-all-costs is not helpful, and almost certainly counter-productive.

In many ways, Obama has held himself to a standard that was far beyond reach. Of course he wasn’t going to rid Washington of special interests. But that’s politics. Everybody comes to Washington to change the way business is done. Nobody is ever powerful/foolhardy enough to do so.

One of the reasons that Obama was able to make White House visitor logs public is because the Secret Service keeps close track of everyone going in and out of the White House. When I’ve visited, somebody had to see my ID and check me in. What I can glean from yesterday’s press conference transcript is that this puts me into something called the “the WAVES system.” And when you’ve got an electronic database, it’s easy to make it public. And there’s no reason not to do so.

Maybe meeting disclosure should extend to Jackson Place. Maybe it should extend to Caribou Coffee. Should it extend to every phone call? Every kid’s soccer game an administration staffer attends where lobbyists might have kids playing as well? Where do you draw the line?  Washington is in many respects one big social network. And lobbyists, the majority of whom once worked in government, are part of that network.

I suppose what Obama should have said from the beginning was that he was doing the best he can. He was going to make White House visitor logs public because the White House belongs to everyone, and everyone should know who is visiting. But that he also recognized that the White House is not a compound on a hill, and that disclosing visitor logs is not going to capture all the conversations he or anyone on his staff ever has with an interested party. Moreover, he could have also said that he valued the inputs of everyone, be they lobbyists or not. And that he and his staff had enough integrity, thank you very much, to cut through the self-serving BS of lobbyists.

But instead, Obama succumbed to the familiar politics of purity and moralizing when it came to lobbyists. This moment of gotcha journalism, I suppose is his comeuppance. When you hold yourself to unrealistic standards, it’s bound to come sooner or later.

Another Look at the Leveling Off of Lobbying

Monday, February 7th, 2011
Lee Drutman



Lee Drutman is a senior fellow and the managing editor for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Lee Drutman

The Washington Post’s reporting on the apparent leveling off of Washington lobbying expenditures has a misleading but telling lede: “Could the great lobbying gold rush be over?”

The more banal misunderstanding tied up in this framework is the tendency to overhype small changes, which,  of course, is the nature of a news business in which every new piece of information demands a story. But if lobbying is indeed a gold rush (more on this shortly), it’s hard to see how this gold rush could be over when organizations are still spending $9.5 million a day (or $3.5 billion a year) on it.

Rather, given the amount of money that is still spent, it seems like it’s still very much a booming business, and as I’ve written before, my strong guess is that this is but a hiccup in what has been and will continue to be a steadily increasing interest in lobbying. Any speculation about the demise of lobbying is presumably much over-rated.

The more significant misunderstanding is that lobbying is a gold rush, and I think this is a more pervasive misunderstanding. Do companies and other organizations come to Washington to pursue special programs, earmarks, tax breaks? No doubt many do, and this is a non-trivial part of the lobbying business.

But look at who the heaviest spenders on lobbying are, and you’ll not find a lot of gold rushing.

I stole the excellent chart below from the Center for Responsive Politics, which does an invaluable service in collecting federal lobbying data.

Client 2010 Total 2009 Total Difference % Change
U.S. Chamber of Commerce $132,067,500 $144,496,000 -$12,428,500 -8.6%
PG&E Corp. $45,460,000 $6,280,000 $39,180,000 623.9%
General Electric $39,290,000 $26,400,000 $12,890,000 48.8%
FedEx Corp. $25,582,074 $16,370,000 $9,212,074 56.3%
American Medical Association $22,555,000 $20,720,000 $1,835,000 8.9%
AARP $22,050,000 $21,010,000 $1,040,000 5.0%
PhRMA $21,740,000 $26,150,520 -$4,410,520 -16.9%
Blue Cross/Blue Shield $21,007,141 $23,646,439 -$2,639,298 -11.2%
ConocoPhillips $19,626,382 $18,069,858 $1,556,524 8.6%
American Hospital Association $19,438,358 $18,347,176 $1,091,182 5.9%
Boeing Co. $17,896,000 $16,850,000 $1,046,000 6.2%
National Cable &
Telecommunications Association
$17,710,000 $15,980,000 $1,730,000 10.8%
National Association of Realtors $17,560,000 $19,477,000 -$1,917,000 -9.8%
Verizon Communications $16,750,000 $17,680,000 -$930,000 -5.3%
Northrop Grumman $15,740,000 $15,180,000 $560,000 3.7%
AT&T Inc. $15,395,078 $14,729,673 $665,405 4.5%
United Technologies $14,530,000 $8,100,000 $6,430,000 79.4%
National Association of Broadcasters $13,710,000 $11,090,000 $2,620,000 23.6%
Pfizer Inc. $13,330,000 $25,819,268 -$12,489,268 -48.4%
Southern Co. $13,220,000 $13,450,000 -$230,000 -1.7%

First, it’s worth noting that that among these top 20 lobbying organizations, two-thirds (65 percent) of these organizations spent more on lobbying in 2010 than they did in 2009.

But more importantly, it’s worth peeking under the hood of these numbers and seeing what it means to spend eight or nine figures on lobbying.
Last year was certainly not a gold rush for The Chamber of Commerce, which accounts for four percent of all lobbying. Mostly, I suspect they’ve been playing quite a bit of defense, trying to shape intellectual environment by spinning narratives and doing everything they can to advance a free-market, pro-business perspective.

If you take a look at one of the Chamber’s quarterly lobbying reports from last year, you should be impressed at the length of the thing. The first quarter report runs 92(!) pages.

Here are the listings from a sample page, listing the Chamber’s lobbying on a single issue, category: “ENG – ENERGY/NUCLEAR”:

H.R. 3246/ S. 2843, Advanced Vehicle Technology Act of 2009 H.R. 3534, Consolidated Land, Energy, and Aquatic Resources Act of 2009 H.R. 5320, Assistance, Quality, and Affordability Act of 2010, including an amendment by Rep. Diana DeGette which would establish disclosure requirements regarding materials used in the hydraulic fracturing process S. 1462, American Clean Energy Leadership Act of 2009 S. 1792, A bill to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to modify the requirements for windows, doors, and skylights to be eligible for the credit for nonbusiness energy property S. 2818, A bill to amend the Energy Conservation and Production Act to improve weatherization for low-income persons, and for other purposes S. 3177 / H.R. 5019 / S. 3434, Home Star Energy Retrofit Act of 2010 S. 3072, Stationary Source Regulations Delay Act S. 3663, Clean Energy Jobs and Oil Company Accountability Act of 2010 S. J. Res. 26, A joint resolution disapproving a rule submitted by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the endangerment finding and the cause or contribute findings for greenhouse gases under section 202(a) of the Clean Air Act

Clean Energy Jobs and American Power Act (bill number not yet assigned) Department of the Interior, Environment, and Related Agencies Appropriations Act, 2011 (bill number not yet assigned)

Draft climate legislation expected to be sponsored by Senators Kerry, Graham, and Lieberman (not yet introduced) Draft legislation to provide incentives to deploy nuclear power (not yet introduced) Various issues relating to the Kerry-Lieberman “American Power Act” (draft legislation, not yet introduced) Legislation to reauthorize the “Diesel Emissions Reduction Act” (not yet introduced)

NHTSA Proposed Rulemaking on Notice of Intent to Prepare an Environmental Impact Statement for New Medium- and Heavy-Duty Fuel Efficiency Improvement Program (see June 14, 2010, Fed. Reg., Vol. 75, No. 113, Docket No. NHTSA-2010-0079) EPA Proposed Rulemaking on National Ambient Air Quality Standards for Ozone (see January 19, 2010, Fed. Reg., Vol. 75, No. 1, Docket ID No. EPA-HQ-OAR-2005-0172) EPA Proposed Rulemaking on Identification of Non-Hazardous Secondary Materials That Are Solid Waste (see Januaray 2, 2009, Fed. Reg., Vol. 75, No. 107, Docket No. EPA-HQ-RCRA-2008-0329) EPA Proposed Rulemaking on National Emission Standards for Hazardous Air Pollutants for Major Sources: Industrial, Commercial and Institutional Boilers and Process Heaters (Boilers MACT) (see June 9, 2010, Fed. Reg., Vol 75, No. 110, Docket ID: EPA-HQ-OAR-2002-0058)

General issues including: policy for storing nuclear waste, the Department of the Interior’s moratorium on offshore oil and gas exploration in the Gulf of Mexico, DOE Loan Guarantees for Rare Earth Elements, and Endangerment and Cause or Contribute Findings for Greenhouse Gases Under Section 202(a) of the Clean Air Act (specific legislation not yet introduced)

Or similarly, here are the listings for “CSP – CONSUMER ISSUES/SAFETY/PRODUCTS”

H.R. 1521, Cell Tax Fairness Act of 2009 H.R. 2271, Global Online Freedom Act of 2009 H.R. 2309, Consumer Credit and Debt Protection Act H.R. 2221, Data Accountability and Trust Act H.R. 690 / S. 144, Modernize Our Bookkeeping In the Law for Employee’s Cell Phone Act of 2009 H.R. 3458, Internet Freedom Preservation Act of 2009 H.R. 2267, Internet Gambling Regulation, Consumer Protection and Enforcement Act H.R. 3924, Real Stimulus Act of 2009 H.R. 3126, Consumer Financial Protection Agency Act of 2009 H.R. 6038, Financial Industry Transparency Act of 2010 H.R. 4173, Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2009, all issues pertaining to Title X, the Consumer Protection Bureau H.R. 5777, To foster transparency about the commercial use of personal information, provide consumers with meaningful choice about the collection, use, and disclosure of such information, and for other purposes (BEST PRACTICES Act) H.R. 1346 / S. 540, Medical Device Safety Act of 2009

S. 139, Data Breach Notification Act S. 43, Permanent Internet Tax Freedom Act of 2009 S. 773, Cybersecurity Act of 2009 S. 1490, Personal Data Privacy and Security Act of 2009 S. 1192, Mobile Wireless Tax Fairness Act of 2009 S. 788, m-SPAM Act of 2009 S. 1597, Internet Poker and Game of Skill Regulation, Consumer Protection, and Enforcement Act of 2009 S. 3155 / H.R. 4962, International Cybercrime Reporting and Cooperation Act S. 3480, Protecting Cyberspace as a National Asset Act of 2010 S. 3386, Restore Online Shoppers’ Confidence Act S. 3742, Data Security and Breach Notification Act of 2010 S. 3579, Data Security Act of of 2010

Legislation Regarding Offline and Online Privacy (draft released by Rep. Boucher)

What impresses me is the sheer range of issues on which the Chamber is lobbying. The Chamber has the resources to make sure that every time a piece of legislation comes up that touches on some aspect of the broader business community, it can get in to see the right folks to explain why a particular piece of legislation would be good or bad for business, and help people on the Hill to “improve” legislation in a way that the Chamber approves of. There’s something to be said for being ubiquitous, I’m sure.

General Electric, third on the list, also has a similarly expansive quarterly lobbying report at 35 pages, covering an impressive range of issues. Again, pulling from the Center for Responsive Politics, here are the areas on which General Electric lobbied in 2010:

Issues

Issue Specific Issues No. of Reports*
Defense 26 39
Fed Budget & Appropriations 23 34
Taxes 20 33
Finance 17 24
Transportation 13 19
Railroads 13 17
Copyright, Patent & Trademark 10 17
Radio & TV Broadcasting 11 16
Trade 9 14
Telecommunications 4 11
Health Issues 9 11
Energy & Nuclear Power 9 11
Environment & Superfund 7 8
Clean Air & Water 4 8
Aviation, Airlines & Airports 5 6
Banking 6 6
Labor, Antitrust & Workplace 3 6
Medicare & Medicaid 5 5
Aerospace 3 5
Advertising 4 4
Law Enforcement & Crime 3 4
Torts 2 4
Retirement 2 4
Roads & Highways 1 4
Science & Technology 3 4
Foreign Relations 1 1
Government Issues 1 1

Yes, General Electric is a major conglomerate and an important part of the American economy. But again, one can’t help but be impressed by the range of issues on which GE is lobbying. It clearly wants to be part of the debate on just about everything.

Institutions like the Chamber, GE, and others are permanent parts of the Washington policymaking community. They are not part of a gold rush, and they are certainly not going away.

More broadly, if you look at the top 20 spenders on lobbying for 2010, it turns out that they represent $524 million in expenditures, or about 15 percent of all lobbying expenditures. There are about 15,000 organizations that have hired lobbyists in Washington, but the distribution of expenditures is highly skewed: a handful of large organizations (mostly companies and business groups) dominate.

From this vantage point, lobbying in 2010 looks a lot like lobbying in 2009: Mostly dominated by a handful of large important companies and business lobbying groups who want to have a say on a wide range of issues, and more broadly, to ensure that any conversation that might impact on them does not happen without them.

Are Lobbying Expenditures Really Leveling Off?

Tuesday, February 1st, 2011
Lee Drutman



Lee Drutman is a senior fellow and the managing editor for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Lee Drutman

Roll Call is reporting today that annual Washington lobbying expenditures dipped slightly in 2010, marking the first time since expenditure data became public in 1996 that the amount of money has not increased. The decline was small: from $3.6 billion to $3.5 billion (according to CQ MoneyLine). But it’s worth asking: does this mark some kind of leveling off of lobbying in Washington?

Some background: there has been a remarkable increase in lobbying expenditures since 1998, when a mere $1.44 billion was spent on lobbying. More organizations have come to Washington, and in particular more companies are spending more money on lobbying. OpenSecrets.org has the history, and there’s been roughly a steady 7 percent annual increase in lobbying since 1998.

If there truly is leveling off, it would be a remarkable development. But I’m skeptical.

One possibility is that more reports will be trickling in late, and this early report will turn out to be an underestimate.

A more likely possibility is that the reporting is inaccurate. Organizations and companies may be reporting less lobbying in response to the Obama administration lobbying rules, which create all kinds of hurdles for former lobbyists who want to serve in the administration. In 2008, OpenSecrets counted 14,214 registered lobbyists; in 2010, it counted just 12,484 – a decline of 12 percent.

There is good reason to believe that a lot of lobbyists have increasingly decided it was better not to register, or even just slightly adjust their portfolios and work schedules so that they technically didn’t meet the definition of a “lobbyist” under the Lobbying Disclosure Act. The Senate Office of Public Records, which keeps track of these registrations and reports, is perpetually understaffed and not well-equipped to go after anybody.

If this is the case, it’s a shame, because it means that by unnecessarily demonizing lobbyists, the Obama lobbying rules may have actually made the practice of lobbying less transparent by encouraging fewer lobbyists to register and publicly file reports.

Of course, it’s also possible that with the passage of heath care and financial reform, as well as the breakdown of climate legislation, the big lobbying dogs have less reason to be active, and with two years of gridlock ahead, it’s possible some interests realize nothing is going to get through, so why waste the money? But both health care and financial reform have major agency rulemakings ahead, and gridlock may actually require more lobbying grease.

Still, if it is a leveling off, I suspect it’s only a temporary one. As I argued in my Ph.D. dissertation on the growth of corporate lobbying (which accounts for about two-thirds of all lobbying expenditures), “More and more companies are discovering that Washington matters to their business, and those who do are sticking around and increasing their political capacities. As a result, corporate lobbying activity is likely to continue to expand for the foreseeable future, with large corporations playing an increasingly central role in the formulation of national policies.”

There’s simply too much at stake, and still for many large corporations, the amount of money they spend on lobbying is still a rounding error on their annual budgets (and much less than they spend on advertising or R&D). Rather, I suspect more and more companies will continue to realize that the reality is they can’t afford not to be lobbying.

Lobbying Yields Nothing?

Friday, August 20th, 2010
Lee Drutman



Lee Drutman is a senior fellow and the managing editor for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Lee Drutman

Today’s New York Times “Idea of the Day Blog” features this sensationalist headline: “Lobbying Often Yields Nothing” — followed by this provocative summary

The real outcome of most Washington lobbying is … nothing. Until the right party or person comes to power. So finds a 10-year study.

Actually…  according to Lobbying and Policy Change (the landmark book by five political scientists that the post references), 40 percent of the time, lobbyists succeeded.   So yes, technically, 60 percent of the time is most of the time and so it is correct to say that most of the time lobbying yields nothing.

But, to me, 40 percent is actually an astonishing success rate.

Sure, this may not look like much if your starting assumption is that special interests own Washington, and that all a clever lobbyist needs to do is approach a Congressman with the promise of a campaign check and that poor helpless Congressman will practically be begging to fete that lobbyist with most indefensible corporate giveaway.

But, on the other hand, if you’ve spent any time in Washington, and you know how hard it is to get just about anything done, 40 percent is definite batting champion territory.

And the big point of the study is actually about the difficulty of change: the status quo is really, really sticky in Washington, in good part because on most important issues there are forces mobilized on both sides, and every action on one side provokes an equal but opposite reaction on the other side. Forces fight each other to stalemate for years. But then then, suddenly, there is movement – and whoever has won the war of positioning is likely to win the war of motion.

But the problem is that nobody – not even the cleverest of lobbyists – really knows which ideas and issues are likely to break and when. Which means the keys to success in the Washington wars of influence are a long-term strategy and the patience and resources to carry it out. One must build a compelling case, nurture allies, and be in position to take advantage of the rare windows of opportunity when they do arise.

Still, the more one works at it, the more likely the success. As the authors of this study note: “The passage of time increases the odds of policy change among our cases. We observer policy changes on significantly more issues after four years than after just two years” (237)  (This study only covered a four-year period (1999-2002). Had it looked at a longer period of time, perhaps the success rate would have topped 50 percent. Would the headline then have been “Lobbying Often Yields Something”?)

Interestingly, the study finds that having more resources is no guarantee of success, partly because there are often large resources on both sides of an issue. But that doesn’t mean that money doesn’t matter – it just suggests the price of entry to even get in the fight is quite high. Overall, lobbying is now a $3.5 billion industry, with corporations and business associations accounting for about two-thirds of the expenditures.

Ultimately, any attempt to simplify lobbying as either fundamentally influential or not influential misses a very basic point: lobbying is a process, a conversation, a multi-dimensional chess game that sometimes never ends. Nobody in Washington carries a magic wand that can make policy happen with a mere wave. Not even lobbyists. Influence happens in more subtle and patient ways, something that anybody who might be concerned about the role of lobbyists needs to understand.

Photo Credit:   PaDumBumPsh’s photo stream

Turning Coats

Wednesday, February 10th, 2010
Ed Kilgore



Ed Kilgore is a PPI senior fellow, as well as managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, an online forum.

by Ed Kilgore

Some of you may remember that the very day after Scott Brown’s Senate victory in Massachusetts, Republicans began fantasizing about actually taking over the Senate this November, in no small part because former senator Dan Coats had announced he was coming out of retirement to take on the previously unassailable Democrat Evan Bayh in Indiana. Yeah, it was noted at the time that Coats had been living and voting in Virginia for the last decade, while working as a DC lobbyist, but GOPers figured Coats’ long political record in the Hoosier State would enable him to brush that off as a less-than-youthful indiscretion.

But since then, Indiana Democrats, accessing public records, have found out and loudly let it be known that Coats wasn’t just a lobbyist for banks and equity firms, but for foreign governments. He personally lobbied for India, but much more interestingly, his firm lobbied for Yemen. You know, Yemen, that al Qaeda stomping ground where “Christmas Day Bomber” Umar Abdulmutallab got his training.

Suffice it to say that Democrats have not kept this information to themselves. According to a piece in Politico today about the “nuking” of Coats:

“We just hit him with a freight train,” one Democratic official familiar with the anti-Coats effort said Monday. “It’s Politics 101: Frame the guy early.”

The effectiveness of the Democratic attack on Coats is probably best reflected by the fact that none of the Republicans previously in the race to challenge Bayh (including former U.S. Rep. John Hostettler, a fiery conservative) have pulled out. Coats’ proto-campaign has largely confined itself to whining about “mud” being thrown at their hero.

So maybe Republicans shouldn’t be quite so quick to mark Indiana down in the column of likely Senate wins this year.

This item is cross-posted at The Democratic Strategist.

A Missed Opportunity on Lobbying

Tuesday, December 1st, 2009
Lee Drutman



Lee Drutman is a senior fellow and the managing editor for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Lee Drutman

The Obama administration is continuing its troubling zero-tolerance and zero-nuance policy for lobbyists. In so doing, it is both misunderstanding the problem of lobbying and missing an opportunity for a meaningful solution.

As the Washington Post reported last week, “Hundreds, if not thousands, of lobbyists are likely to be ejected from federal advisory panels as part of a little-noticed initiative by the Obama administration to curb K Street’s influence in Washington, according to White House officials and lobbying experts.”

Undoubtedly, these advisory panels (the Post estimates there are “nearly 1,000 panels with total membership exceeding 60,000 people”) are full of lobbyists representing narrow and well-funded special interests. This is indeed a problem.

But it is a tricky problem to solve because many of these lobbyists are actually incredibly knowledgeable about arcane policy areas. Getting rid of them means these panels lose valuable policy expertise. And if there are particular industries or companies who want to participate in these advisory panels, presumably they will still find ways to have representatives who are not technically “lobbyists” (meaning only that they have not registered as lobbyists).

Unfortunately, the Obama approach is a blunt instrument that treats all lobbyists as interchangeably nefarious. This is simply not the case. And worse, it misses the real problem, which is the problem of balance. I’ve estimated that for every one lobbyist representing a public interest group or a union, there are now 16 lobbyists representing a business or business association. It just isn’t a fair fight, and it’s no wonder that many people have real concerns about the role that lobbyists play.

Here’s a better idea: Instead of banning lobbyists from participating on advisory councils altogether, the Obama administration could take a good, hard look at these panels and ensure that they have balanced representation. The administration could press advisory boards to take steps to consider all sides of an issue before making recommendations, such as setting up processes for outreach to interests who might not have the resources to pay lobbyists to represent them on boards.

The best public policy will emerge when the greatest diversity of perspectives gets incorporated, and when the most knowledgeable people participate. This should be the goal of the administration. Focusing on whether or not members of these panels are “lobbyists” is just fixating on a label. It would be much better to look at who actually participates and what they contribute.

The views expressed in this piece do not necessarily reflect those of the Progressive Policy Institute.