Posts Tagged ‘ Taxes ’

Myths and Realities of Regulatory Uncertainty

Thursday, August 12th, 2010
Scott Thomasson



Scott Thomasson is the domestic policy director for the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Scott Thomasson

Ezra Klein joined others this week in mocking the “uncertainty” rhetoric that Republicans and some business leaders have been parroting to argue for lower taxes and lighter regulation.  As Stan Collander, Brad DeLong, and Ezra himself have all done an excellent job of arguing, there is plenty of reason for ridicule.  Most of the talk about businesses being paralyzed by uncertainty over taxes and regulations is little more than politically-driven spin.

The problem I have with Ezra’s post this week is that he chose the wrong example to pick on.  He points to Derek Thompson’s  interview with Eric Spiegel, CEO of Siemens USA, who complains about the uncertainty his company faces in the wake of the failure to pass an energy bill in Congress.  Thompson and Klein both equate this position with the less policy-specific confusion and outrage Republicans are attributing to the business community at large.   Thompson sums it up with this broad conclusion:

It’s another piece of evidence that “government should remove uncertainty” is a euphemism for “government should enact the laws that make me profitable.” For some companies, “make me profitable” might mean simply slashing taxes on income and capital gains, cutting public spending and getting out of the way. For other companies like Siemens, it means government getting in the way. It means putting a new tax on carbon, giving tax money to companies building wind blades, and adding new regulations for renewables.

In this case, there is more to it than that.  The kind of uncertainty problems that Spiegel describes are actually legitimate, at least in part.  The energy industry has been holding its breath for years waiting for the EPA and Congress to decide what they are going to do about regulating carbon emissions.  With the energy bill now faded into legislative limbo, it looks like the industry will not get the resolution it needs anytime soon, which means billions of dollars worth of investment will be trapped in limbo as well.  The uncertainty is so real that several people in the industry have privately told me that they almost don’t care what Congress chooses to do with carbon pricing, as long as it does something, so they can stop waiting and start building.   Or as another energy CEO put it recently, “There’s a lot of capital sitting on the sidelines just waiting for more regulatory clarity.”

It’s worth differentiating the energy industry’s need for long-term clarity in climate policy from the standard fear and loathing Republicans are promoting.  Here’s why.  A lot of the decisions energy companies need to make are binary choices that change dramatically depending on the policy assumptions: whether a new plant should be coal or natural gas, whether a new wind farm is viable without tax incentives, whether a new nuclear plant could be approved and running within ten years.  It’s hard to make economically rational decisions when the outcomes are so dependent on unresolved political questions.  This is fundamentally different from arguments that companies are afraid to hire new workers this quarter due to taxes or health care regulations.

There is no shortage of unsupportable statements about uncertainty that belong to the realm of political fiction.  Rep. Boehner’s latest call for a moratorium on new regulations certainly qualifies, blaming the “uncertainty that’s being created by the Democrats’ agenda” for leaving every employer and investor in America “frozen” with fear.   That kind of rhetoric is obviously exaggerated, and it should either be refuted or ignored altogether.

However, we should not allow Republicans crying wolf to drown out the voices that have legitimate gripes about regulatory uncertainties that Congress needs to address.  And we should be careful not to confuse the two for each other when we hear them pleading their case.

Unflattening Taxes on the Rich

Monday, August 9th, 2010
Ed Kilgore



Ed Kilgore is a PPI senior fellow, as well as managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, an online forum.

by Ed Kilgore

As Congress prepares for a big debate on the fate of the Bush tax cuts, there’s an internal debate breaking out in progressive circles on how to deal with tax rates on the very wealthy, not just those currently in the top income tax bracket.

This debate-within-the-debate is being driven by two external data points: First, the fact that income inequality in the United States during the last two (or arguably, the last four) decades has especially manifested itself in the concentration of wealth at the very top of the income ladder; and second, the fact that higher taxes for “millionaires” consistently polls well.

James Suroweicki explains the first point nicely in a recent column in The New Yorker:

Between 2002 and 2007…the bottom ninety-nine per cent of incomes grew 1.3 per cent a year in real terms–while the incomes of the top one per cent grew ten per cent a year. That one per cent accounted for two-thirds of all income growth in those years. People in the ninety-fifth to the ninety-ninth percentiles of income have represented a fairly constant share of the national income for twenty-five years now. But in that period the top one per cent has seen its share of national income double; in 2007, it captured twenty-three per cent of the nation’s total income. Even within the top one per cent, income is getting more concentrated: the top 0.1 per cent of earners have seen their share of national income triple over the same period. All by themselves, they now earn as much as the bottom hundred and twenty million people. So at the same time that the rich have been pulling away from the middle class, the very rich have been pulling away from the pretty rich, and the very, very rich have been pulling away from the very rich.

The current debate over taxes takes none of this into account.

Thus, framing the tax progressivity question as mainly involving rates for those with incomes well below super-rich levels misses the mark, and, as both Surowiecki and (for months now) Jonathan Chait have pointed out, misses a political opportunity associated with a widespread popular conviction that the very wealthy don’t pay their fair share of taxes.

In terms of the stakes involved in proposing something like a “millionaire’s tax” (essentially a new and higher top rate on very high incomes), Nate Silver has shown at FiveThirtyEight that it could indeed raise some pretty serious federal revenues.

But the political bonus of a “millionaire’s tax” proposal goes beyond the numbers: it would help expose the really dramatic gap between the two parties on the whole concept of progressive taxation.

After all, even as Democrats debate making federal income taxes more progressive, a growing and increasingly dominant segment of Republicans favor “flattening” tax rates to eliminate progressivity, exempting capital and corporate income from taxation, and/or shifting taxation away from income altogether and focusing it on consumption. And even for those Republicans who don’t embrace radical tax proposals, the “thinking” behind them is the rationale for the vague support for high-end or business tax cuts that’s almost universal in today’s GOP, in growing contradiction with conservative demands for debt-and-deficit reduction.

Anything that makes this contrast more vivid, on terms supported by big majorities of the American public, is a pretty good idea for Democrats. So I’d strongly recommend that in the debate over extending or eliminating Bush’s tax cuts for the top bracket, proposals to crate a new bracket for the “super-rich” ought to become an essential ingredient.

This item is cross-posted at The Democratic Strategist

Georgia On the Mind

Friday, July 16th, 2010
Ed Kilgore



Ed Kilgore is a PPI senior fellow, as well as managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, an online forum.

by Ed Kilgore

As alert readers know by now, Robert Bentley won the Republican gubernatorial runoff in Alabama, with Terri Sewell winning the 7th district Democratic congressional nomination (tantamount to election), and Martha Roby turning back viral ad icon Rick Barber for the Republican nomination in the 2nd congressional district. My write-up of the results can be found here.

The next big primary state is Georgia, where voters go to the polls next Tuesday, July 20. There are competitive primaries for governor in both parties; and competitive Republican primaries for Congress in no fewer than six districts, with two Democratic congressional primaries that have drawn some attention. Georgia has a 50 percent nomination requirement, which means many contests will go to a runoff on August 10. This is also a state with a history of substantial early voting, though as of last week, mail-in and in-person ballots were down from prior elections, perhaps indicating a low turnout.

The Republican gubernatorial race (incumbent Republican Gov. Sonny Perdue is term-limited) has heated up in the last week, with a bunch of polls, sharp exchanges between candidates, and interventions by national figures. For most of the cycle, the front-runner has been State Insurance Commissioner John Oxendine, though he’s been considered vulnerable because of long-pending ethics investigations of alleged illegal contributions to his campaign by insurance companies. Three other candidates—former Secretary of State Karen Handel, former congressman Nathan Deal (who has some ethics issues of his own, which appeared to speed his departure from Congress), and state senator Eric Johnson—have been jockeying for a runoff position opposite Oxendine, though at least two polls now show the front-runner slipping into third place. Handel, whose campaign message closely resembles that of South Carolina gubernatorial nominee Nikki Haley (a “conservative reformer” fighting the “corrupt good old boys”), has been the candidate on the move of late, and got priceless attention this week from a Facebook endorsement by Sarah Palin. Deal countered with an endorsement from Georgian Newt Gingrich. Both Oxendine and Deal have been pounding Handel for alleged heresy on abortion and gay rights. And meanwhile, Johnson has been heavily running television ads, and has moved up into the teens in at least one poll. In other words, just about anything could happen on Tuesday, though Handel looks almost sure to have a runoff spot.

In terms of issues, all the GOP candidates have been competing to show avid support for an Arizona-style illegal immigration crackdown (Deal’s made this a signature issue, while Handel has sported an endorsement from Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer), and two candidates, Oxendine and Handel, have proposed abolition of the state’s income tax, reflecting the wild popularity of national “Fair Tax” proposals among Georgia Republicans. And all the candidates are hard-core conservatives on cultural issues, though Handel got into a fight with Georgia Right-to-Life by opposing its proposal to restrict IV fertilization procedures.

On the Democratic side, the big question all along has been whether former Gov. Roy Barnes, who lost to Perdue in a big upset eight years ago, can win the primary without a runoff, as most recent polls have suggested he will. Barnes’ most prominent challenger, Attorney General Thurbert Baker, got off to a very late start in television advertising, and is now trying to attract enough support from his fellow African-Americans to deny Barnes the win (African-Americans typically cast close to half the votes in Democratic primaries in Georgia). Baker got a significant boost earlier this week with an endorsement from President Bill Clinton (Baker was a big Human Rights Campaign supporter in 2008), and has been promoting legalization of electronic bingo as a way to raise money for K-12 education. But Barnes has strong African-American support of his own; just today he was endorsed by Atlanta Mayor Kasim Reed. Other significant candidates who could soak up some votes include former Secretary of State David Poythress, who’s been running an under-the-radar web-focused campaign, and former state House Democratic leader Dubose Porter, whose wife, Carol, is the odds-on favorite to win the Democratic nomination for Lt. Governor.

On the congressional front, the state’s two white (and Blue Doggy) Democratic House members, Jim Marshall and John Barrow, are as usual considered vulnerable in November. Marshall, whose district went solidly for John McCain, has drawn a strong opponent in state representative Scott Austin, who should win the GOP nomination easily on Tuesday. Barrow, whose district is marginally Democratic even in presidential years, has for the second time drawn a primary challenge from former state representative Regina Thomas, whom he beat 3-1 in 2008. Thomas got some help from in-district anger at Barrow’s vote against health care reform, but his massive financial advantage should get him over the line. Meanwhile, Tea Party-backed candidate Ray McKinney is favored over former fire chief Carl Smith for the right to oppose Barrow, though that race could easily go to a runoff.

There are big and active Republican primaries in the districts of African-American congressmen David Scott and Hank Johnson (who also faces former Dekalb County executive Vernon Jones, something of a party renegade, in the primary but isn’t expected to lose), who has had recent health problems, but Republicans would have to get very lucky to become competitive in either place.

An open seat in the north metro Atlanta 7th district has spawned a mammoth eight-candidate Republican primary to succeed John Linder, with every single candidate endorsing Linder’s “Fair Tax” proposal. Former state representative Clay Cox and former Linder chief of staff Rob Woodall are the favorite to make a runoff, though Christian Right figure Jody Hice also has some support.

And up in the North Georgia 9th district, until recently represented by gubernatorial candidate Nathan Deal, the winner of last month’s special election, Tea Party favorite and former state representative Tom Graves, must face pretty much the same field of opponents in the primary, but is expected to win.

In non-Georgia political news, the big development was probably the implosion of the Colorado gubernatorial campaign of former congressman (and GOP front-runner) Scott McInnis, accused of plagiarizing portions of a think-tank paper for which he was grossly overpaid a few years ago. Colorado Republicans are in a quandary; the only other candidate on the primary ballot, Don Maes, has struggled to raise money, and has, ironically, also been cited for campaign finance violations. To hand-pick another viable candidate, party leaders would have to wait for the primary to occur and then beg the winner to step aside.

Ed Kilgore’s PPI Political Memo runs every Tuesday and Friday

Photo credit: Airno’s Photostream

Washington Independent: With Income Gap at 80-Year High, Solutions Remain Elusive

Monday, July 12th, 2010
Tessa Gellerson





by Tessa Gellerson

In the Washington Independent, PPI President Will Marshall discusses the need for innovation and entrepreneurship in combating the U.S.’ widening income gap:

“What we need is a policy conducive to innovation and entrepreneurship,” said Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute, a think tank. “You need the energy of invention just as we saw in the late 90s. We need another spurt of innovation-fueled growth.”

“Inequality is one of the great structural challenges facing America,” Marshall continued. “It raises questions about whether the American dream still works. … That’s why it demands attention from policymakers as something we’ve got to squarely face.”

Read the full article.

Recommendations on Curbing the National Deficit

Friday, July 2nd, 2010
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

The following is the is an excerpt from Will Marshall’s June 30 testimony before the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform during the commission’s first public listening session:

Chairman Bowles, Chairman Simpson, and Members of the Commission, I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you to discuss ways to put America on a fiscally sustainable course.

Once unemployment rates start to fall, U.S. policy makers must be prepared to pivot sharply from fiscal stimulus to fiscal restraint. Otherwise, a large and growing federal debt will deplete our capital stock and thereby limit future economic growth. It will divert resources from productive investment to interest payments on the debt, half of which is already held by foreign lenders. And it will shake investor confidence, here and abroad, in the fundamental soundness of the U.S. economy, eventually driving interest rates up and the dollar down.

Despite these dire and entirely foreseeable consequences, too many federal policy makers remain in denial about the need for fiscal discipline. You have taken on what many consider a Mission Impossible: forging a bipartisan consensus on how to defuse the nation’s debt crisis. That’s put you in the crosshairs of extreme partisans of the left and right, who imagine this problem can be solved strictly at the other side’s expense. By refusing either to cut spending or raise taxes, the two have joined in a tacit conspiracy to bankrupt the country.

Common to both is the assumption that you can have fiscal responsibility, or you can have progressive government, but you can’t have both. We at the Progressive Policy Institute have always rejected this false choice. We believe that a progressive government can and must live within its means, and that if it instead chases the illusion of borrowed prosperity, it’s not really progressive.

To paraphrase Franklin Roosevelt, Americans know instinctively that borrowing routinely to consume more than you produce is both bad economics and bad morals. I don’t think it’s an accident that, as public worries about deficits have been mounting, public trust in government has been plummeting.

So there’s a lot riding on your ability to forge consensus behind a bold and balanced plan to restore fiscal responsibility. Let me offer some thoughts on what that plan should include from the perspective of a “progressive fiscal hawk.”

Read the entire testimony.

Ancient History

Friday, June 25th, 2010
Elbert Ventura



Elbert Ventura is the managing editor of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Elbert Ventura

Bruce Bartlett has a column up in today’s Fiscal Times that drills home just how far the Republican Party has veered from the center over the last few years. Bartlett recounts the story of the 1990 budget deal, which saw President George H.W. Bush reach across the aisle and strike a compromise with Democrats in an effort to shrink the deficit. The compromise on Bush’s end is, of course, now legendary: a violation of his “read my lips” pledge during the 1988 campaign that there would be no new taxes.

Working with Democratic majorities in both houses, the president knew that getting through measures on the spending side of the ledger would require some concessions on his part. Bartlett sums up the outcome of the budget negotiations:

Budget negotiations finally concluded in late September. The final deal cut spending by $324 billion over five years and raised revenues by $159 billion. The most politically toxic part of the deal, as far as congressional Republicans were concerned, involved an increase in the top statutory income tax rate to 31 percent from 28 percent, which had been established by the Tax Reform Act of 1986. The top rate had been 50 percent from 1981 to 1986 and 70 percent from 1965 to 1980.

More importantly, the deal contained powerful mechanisms for controlling future deficits. In particular, a strong pay-as-you-go (PAYGO) rule required that new spending or tax cuts had to be offset by spending cuts or tax increases. There were also caps on discretionary spending that were to be enforced by automatic spending cuts.

The conservative base, of course, went ballistic. Their opposition was reflected in the House of Representatives, where 163 Republicans voted against the budget, while only 10 voted for it. The Senate was a little better — half of Republicans approved the deal. These days, getting half of the Republican Senate caucus to go along with anything the Democratic majority pushes would be a minor miracle.

The consequences of Bush’s budget deal are well known. The violation of his tax pledge would prove to be a devastating weapon for political opponents in the 1992 campaign. But the economic consequences are less heralded. President Clinton deserves credit for bringing sanity and surpluses to the budget in the 1990s, but budget experts agree that his predecessor’s budget deal contributed to that achievement.

Bartlett quotes the GOP’s tax-cutting commissar, Grover Norquist, to underscore conservative suspicion of budget deals: “Budget deals where they actually restrain spending and raise taxes are unicorns.” Only spending cuts, Norquist argues, are permissible. The way the right is moving these days, we’re more likely to see a unicorn than a GOP leader going against party orthodoxy on taxes.

Photo credit: sdk

Follow the Leader

Wednesday, June 23rd, 2010
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

Congress isn’t always the first place you look for intellectually honest discussion of America’s fiscal dilemmas. Neither party has clean hands, yet each points smudged fingers at the other. How refreshing then to hear Rep. Steny Hoyer (D-MD) uttering blunt truths rather than partisan cant about America’s exploding debts.

“Unfortunately, we can blame our long-term deficit on policies that are almost universally popular,” the House Majority Leader said yesterday at a forum hosted by Third Way. “We’re lying to ourselves and our children if we say we can maintain our current levels of entitlement spending, defense spending, and taxation without bankrupting the country,” he added.

Hoyer also wondered aloud about the wisdom of permanently extending any of the Bush tax cuts absent a serious plan for long-term deficit reduction. It’s a pertinent question for both Republican anti-tax zealots and President Obama.

Even as they excoriate Obama and the Democrats for ballooning the federal deficit, Republicans insist that all the tax cuts passed in 2001 and 2003 be extended. That would cost a cool $3 trillion over the next decade, but don’t expect the GOP to fill that gaping hole in the federal budget with spending cuts. As Hoyer pointed out, Republicans have run like scalded dogs from Rep. Paul Ryan’s “roadmap” to a balanced budget, which calls for deep cuts in Medicare and Social Security.

But President Obama is in a bind as well. He has set up a fiscal commission to come up with a plan after the midterm election to start unwinding America’s massive debts. Many economists believe such a plan is essential to boost investor and lender confidence in the soundness of the U.S. economy, and to reverse the enormous imbalances in world financial flows.

During the 2008 campaign, however, Obama promised to extend the Bush cuts for the “middle class,” which he defined as families earning less than $250,000 and individuals earning less than $200,000. That promise helped him deflect GOP efforts to brand him as an inveterate tax hiker. But it carries a high price tag: about $1.4 trillion over the next decade according to the Joint Committee on Taxation.

What’s more, the nation’s fiscal outlook has deteriorated dramatically since the campaign. Massive public spending to avert a financial and economic collapse last year could push this year’s deficit to a record $1.7 trillion. The national debt now stands at about $13 trillion, and is on course to reach 90 percent of GDP by 2020 – not far from Greek-style proportions.

America really can’t afford any of the Bush tax cuts right now. Letting them expire would give the fiscal commission more room to devise a balanced package of spending and tax reforms aimed at whittling down our debts.

But with unemployment stuck in the stratosphere, and with Democrats apparently facing sizable losses in the midterm election, it’s hard to ask them to expose middle-class families to higher taxes – especially when Republicans can be counted on to indulge in monolithic, over-the-top demagoguery.

GOP Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell wasted no time in unloading on Hoyer yesterday. “It’s now official. Top Democrats on Capitol Hill are starting to signal their intention to raise taxes on the middle class,” he declared on the Senate floor.

To limit the long-term fiscal impact, centrist Democrats like Hoyer are considering a temporary extension of the middle-class tax cuts. Many liberals, however, are more concerned about the supposed dangers of “austerity” than the nation’s colossal debt burden. In fact, they want to make the cuts permanent now, while Democrats still enjoy big majorities in both Houses.

So chances are Congress will extend the middle-class tax cuts this fall, setting a less-than-inspiring example of restraint for the fiscal commission.

Nonetheless, Hoyer said House Democrats are pushing a budget resolution that would limit discretionary spending; cut deeper than the president’s budget; reinforce PAYGO rules; and commit to a vote on the fiscal commission’s recommendations. It’s a modest down payment on fiscal reform that’s unlikely to suppress demand and throw the economy into a tailspin.

In any case, the contrast between Hoyer’s fiscal realism and the GOP’s denial couldn’t be sharper. Let’s hope Democrats follow their leader.

Photo credit: Center for American Progress Action Fund

On Fiscal Reform, Can Pragmatists Trump Ideologues?

Monday, June 21st, 2010
Elbert Ventura



Elbert Ventura is the managing editor of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Elbert Ventura

In a piece published this Sunday, Edmund L. Andrews and Eric Pianin serve up a profile in Fiscal Times of an odd couple who will be crucial to the effort to restore fiscal sanity to the country.

On one side is Andy Stern, labor firebrand and former head of the Service Employees International Union, the nation’s fastest-growing union. On the other is David Cote, chairman and CEO of Honeywell, a global technology firm. Both are members of President Obama’s deficit commission tasked with issuing recommendations to address the nation’s fiscal crisis. Both consider themselves pragmatists who believe they can bridge the partisan gap and help engineer lasting solutions to our budget problems.

But even the appearance of comity can’t hide the basic ideological differences between the two sides:

Cote emphasizes that economic growth is the key to fiscal stability, and Stern politely contends that it’s unrealistic to bank on economic growth alone as the solution. “There are some people who say, ‘Let’s grow our way out of it,’ ” Stern said. “Okay. Tell me how much growth we’re going to need? Has it ever happened before?”

The subtext of their exchange is clearly about the broader clash. Republicans warn that higher taxes will imperil economic growth and focus on the need for spending cuts. Democrats argue that some of the biggest GOP targets — safety-net programs — need to be protected and that deficits are too big to be closed without at least some tax increases.

That elemental difference looms in the background of any feel-good story of bipartisan agreement on fiscal reform. It would be tragic if the commission’s work and the administration’s efforts to forge a consensus on budget reform crash on the shoals of ideology. Everyone can agree that the country is on an unsustainable path. What everyone should also be able to agree on is the need for reform on both sides of the ledger. New streams of revenue need to be found. Entitlement reforms need to be made. And yet denial prevails over too many folks on both sides of the ideological divide.

Stern has a good record of reaching out to unlikely allies — see his work with Wal-Mart and the Business Roundtable on passing health care reform. But even his efforts might fail in the face of calcified dogmas and a lack of urgency among political and policy elites. How the commission’s efforts play out — it’s aiming to release its findings in December — will be one of the most compelling policy dramas in the coming months. Stay tuned.

Photo credit: Center for American Progress Action Fund

Divorce Washington at Your Peril, Silicon Valley

Wednesday, June 16th, 2010
Robert Atkinson



Dr. Robert D. Atkinson is the founder and president of the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation, and the author of The Past and Future of America’s Economy: Long Waves of Innovation That Power Cycles of Growth (Edward Elgar, 2005).

by Robert Atkinson

Silicon ValleyWashington, D.C. and Silicon Valley are separated by 3,000 miles and vastly different cultures. But if the Valley itself and, more broadly, the U.S. economy are to thrive, then Washington and Silicon Valley need to appreciate each other more than they currently do. From my perch inside the Beltway, I’d like to offer some words of advice for the Valley.

First, I salute your entrepreneurial and organic spirit. It has helped transform the world and create jobs and wealth. But while Washington doesn’t always understand what Silicon Valley does or needs, you need to abandon the myth that Washington had nothing to do with your creation.

Remember: the Internet emerged from the Defense Department’s Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA). Oracle got started doing work for the Central Intelligence Agency and Intel sold much of its early output to the Pentagon. Sergey Brin was working on bibliographic research with an National Science Foundation (NSF) grant when he conceived Google. The founders of Genentech and other Bay Area biotech firms relied in part on federal research money to universities. Granted, these and many other companies became forces in the market independent of government, but does anyone really think that the federal dollars that flowed into Stanford, U.C. Berkeley and the Lawrence Livermore Lab had nothing to do with the Silicon Valley of today?

Second, whatever tangential role the feds played years ago, many in Silicon Valley agree with Michael Arrington, editor of the widely read blog Tech Crunch, that it was time for Washington to “just leave Silicon Valley alone.” Oh really? No need for a more generous research and development tax credit? What about intellectual-property infringement? Are the busy people creating and running the companies in the Valley going to lead the charge for cracking down on IP theft in countries like China? What about federal funding for research? I don’t need to tell you that a lot of the best minds and ideas that end up in your companies were trained and/or nurtured at these prestigious California institutions, where federal money flows in from NSF, the Department of Energy, the National Institutes of Health and others. Imagine where the Valley will be in the future without the public private/partnerships and government research dollars. The countries with the fastest broadband are the ones in which government invested in the networks.

Third, don’t kid yourselves — while success in the IT industry in the past might have depended on private companies simply commercializing and marketing their good innovations, success going forward depends on robust public-private partnerships. Intelligent transportation systems, the smart electric grid, mobile payments, digital signatures, health IT and, of course, broadband all represent transformative changes in how we live and work. The commercial opportunities for private companies will be huge, but can companies alone lead the way? Probably not. As we have shown in a report, other nations are ahead of us in all these areas and it is because of smart public private IT partnerships. Only when government commits to the historic redesigns of how we travel, communicate, share data, conduct commerce and use energy will the vast commercial opportunities become accessible for Silicon Valley companies.

Fourth, don’t assume that if government simply loosens up H-1B visa restrictions and lowers taxes, everything else will take of itself. Yes, we need to be able to attract and retain the best minds in the world so we are not starved for talent in the U.S. And yes, we should lower corporate taxes to compete for mobile, high-value-added jobs with countries that have lower effective corporate tax rates. We need to make our R&D credit more generous (we now rank 18th among OECD countries) and should explore tax incentives tied to investment and workforce training workers. But it’s important to note that these countries are matching tax cuts with proactive government efforts to marshal resources to establish leadership in IT and other key economic sectors. Silicon Valley is hanging its fate on a very narrow reed by focusing on worker visas and taxes, and giving short shrift to the many other ways where government plays an integral role in its future.

That leads to the fifth and final piece of advice: Play a more active role in shaping policy in Washington that is good for the country and good for Silicon Valley. Rather than wishing the government would simply cut taxes and leave, get behind government efforts to make innovation a more central part of economic policy. Support more robust investments in national laboratories and university research. Stand up for government efforts to kick start the development of “platform technologies” like the smart grid and intelligent transportation systems. Lead the charge for a better trade policy that defends U.S. innovators against foreign technology mercantilism. Silicon Valley has been the chief beneficiary of Washington’s research and vision, and stands to gain the most from these policies going forward.

Photo credit: caccamo

High-Speed Rail May Stall Without More Push from the White House

Monday, May 10th, 2010
Mark Reutter



PPI Fellow Mark Reutter is the former editor of Railroad History and author of Making Steel: Sparrows Point and the Rise and Ruin of American Industrial Might (2005, rev. ed.).

by Mark Reutter

Unless the White House acts forcefully and decisively to advance its transportation agenda in Congress, the president’s vision for high-speed rail may get sidetracked by the looming federal deficit.

That’s the growing perception on Capitol Hill as Congress grapples with an infrastructure program that could cost between $22 million and $132 million a mile if developed along the lines of 200-mile-per-hour bullet trains now running in Europe and Asia.

Unlike the health care debate, President Obama has been conspicuously unengaged from the details of how to move his high-speed-rail (HSR) plan from a one-off award program using Recovery Act stimulus funds to a dedicated multi-year program akin to the scope and ambition of the Interstate Highway System.

The House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee has raised concerns about the program’s lack of a solid revenue source. In a letter addressed to the president, Chairman James L. Oberstar (D-MN) and Railroad Subcommittee Chair Corrine Brown (D-FL) wrote:

We stand ready to help move your vision of high-speed rail closer to reality. But given budget constraints, we cannot continue to rely on general authorizations and appropriations to finance high-speed rail. We need to identify a dedicated revenue source for high-speed rail, and we need your help to do that.

More than 100 House members signed the letter.

What has especially upset HSR supporters is that, in the wake of $8 billion awarded to states last January under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, there is precious little additional funding earmarked for the program.

Congress authorized $2.5 billion for HSR projects in the current fiscal year, but HSR funding then drops to just $1 billion under the administration’s proposed FY 2011 budget.

That’s not enough to complete the 85-mile corridor proposed between Tampa and Orlando, not to speak of helping underwrite such ambitious projects as California’s proposed 800-mile HSR network connecting the state’s largest cities.

A coalition of transportation advocacy groups is calling on Congress to appropriate $4 billion for high-speed rail in 2011. Tomorrow the coalition will hold a press conference at Washington’s Union Station to present their case, with Rep. Brown among those scheduled to speak.

Last summer, Oberstar’s committee introduced a draft bill that would place $50 billion in the reauthorized surface transportation program to fund HSR development over the next six years. The actual method of funding the program was left open “in hopes that the administration would help Congress identify a dedicated revenue source for high-speed rail,” according to Oberstar.

The establishment of a national infrastructure bank, which would leverage private capital, has been discussed as a possible source for rail funding. Oberstar has embraced this idea in principle.

Another idea is to raise the federal tax on gasoline (which was last raised 28 years ago during the Reagan administration) to increase the revenue stream to the Highway Trust Fund. Some portion of the trust fund would then go to HSR development.

For its part, the administration opposes a gas tax increase and has proposed a more modest transportation infrastructure fund. Financed with $4 billion in public money, the bank would help bankroll transportation projects of national significance, presumably including HSR. This proposal has yet to be taken up by Congress.

Like any political vacuum in Washington, the absence of a strategy to pay for high-speed rail has emboldened critics of the program.

Sen. Kit Bond (R-MO), the ranking minority member of the Senate transportation appropriations subcommittee, last month lambasted the administration for spending funds on expensive trains during a budget crunch. “With a $12 trillion and growing [federal] deficit, we can’t just throw funds at projects willy-nilly,” he said.

Patty Murray (D-WA), chair of the Senate panel, also questioned the absence of a long-term plan by the administration.

While some of this criticism is ill-founded – the administration is on target for completing a National Rail Plan by the date requested by Congress — what the carping on Capitol Hill makes clear is that both sides of the aisle recognize that a modern rail infrastructure will be very expensive to build.

Neither Democrats nor Republicans are willing to commit to a potentially unpopular funding mechanism — such as an increase in the gas tax — that could jumpstart HSR development and allow states, manufacturers and potential rail operators to make long-term investments in infrastructure and manpower.

The need for administration leadership is clear. Lest he watch his vision dissolve in drift and delay, the president must make the case that a national program of rail construction will not only unsnarl our highways, but stimulate economic growth (with new jobs and emerging technologies) and protect our national security (by breaking our dependence on foreign oil). The time to start is now.

Photo credit: http://www.flickr.com/photos/mujitra/ / CC BY 2.0

We Can’t Keep Borrowing to Cut Taxes

Thursday, May 6th, 2010
Jim Arkedis



Jim Arkedis is the director of PPI's National Security Project.

by Jim Arkedis

I am going to ever so slightly step out of my comfort zone to relay what I think is a brilliant policy frame for progressives in 2010 and beyond.

Fiscal hawks, like your hosts here at the PPI, have been clear about the stark choices future generations of Americans face. It’s simply not possible to have one of the lowest marginal tax rates in the world along with massive government spending on entitlements programs and defense. If the country is to emerge from the current economic crisis with its financial house in order, something has to give.

Will Marshall took a scalpel to the problem in a post a few weeks ago:

Here’s the blunt truth: the federal government faces a huge revenue hole – too big to be closed by spending cuts alone. Spending last year reached an astonishing 26 percent of national output, while revenues fell to 15 percent. Full economic recovery is expected to cut that yawning tax gap of 11 percent roughly in half.

Getting federal deficits down to a sustainable level – say three percent a year – will require both spending cuts and tax hikes. The president’s deficit-reduction commission will have to look hard at entitlement spending, but we will also need a sweeping overhaul of our tax system to solve our fiscal crisis.

Extending all the Bush tax cuts, of course, will only dig us in deeper. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that extending them through 2017 would cost $1.9 trillion. That doesn’t include the costs of servicing a bigger national debt, or the cost of adjusting the alternative minimum tax so it doesn’t offset the cuts.

So where does the national security guy get off talking about fiscal responsibility? Allow me to explain. There I was last Saturday night, sitting in a bar in Stockholm talking to two Swedes. One was my long-time buddy Eric Sundstrom, political junkie, ex-PPI fellow and current editor of the Social Democrats’ party newspaper. The other was Eric’s pal Torbjorn, who serves as a policy adviser to the Social Dems’ financial team and whose last name was erased from my memory by the time Scotch #3 rolled around.

I was complaining about America’s fiscal imbalance and national allergy to taxes, when Eric piped up and said, “It’s not just an American problem. Torbjorn concocted a brilliant message on it for Sweden, too.”

Smiling, Torbjorn looked up an uttered what could be the defining policy frame on taxes and spending for progressives this year — or any year:

“We can’t keep borrowing money to cut taxes.”

In that form, it’s brilliant in the American context. It puts Tea Partiers on notice that their tunnel vision for lower taxes is costing America dearly. But I’d make one modification to show exactly what’s at stake and where the money comes from:

“We can’t keep borrowing from China to cut taxes.”

Bill Clinton would probably agree. At the Peterson Institute last week, the former president said, “I think this is a national sovereignty issue,” noting that foreign creditors hold 48 percent of America’s debt. China alone holds more than $877 billion of U.S. debt.

So there you go, progressives — a talking point straight from Stockholm on why the right-wing obsession with cutting taxes is so irresponsible.

Reality Check on Taxes

Friday, April 16th, 2010
Will Marshall



Will Marshall is the president of the Progressive Policy Institute.

by Will Marshall

Americans are increasingly alarmed by the nation’s massive deficits. Yet according to a new CNN poll, 60 percent favor making the Bush tax cuts permanent, instead of letting them expire this year. This doesn’t compute. If President Obama is to make any headway in restoring fiscal discipline in Washington, he will have to inject a note of realism into the debate over taxes and spending.

Here’s the blunt truth: the federal government faces a huge revenue hole – too big to be closed by spending cuts alone. Spending last year reached an astonishing 26 percent of national output, while revenues fell to 15 percent. Full economic recovery is expected to cut that yawning tax gap of 11 percent roughly in half.

Getting federal deficits down to a sustainable level – say 3 percent a year – will require both spending cuts and tax hikes. The president’s deficit-reduction commission will have to look hard at entitlement spending, but we will also need a sweeping overhaul of our tax system to solve our fiscal crisis.

Extending all the Bush tax cuts, of course, will only dig us in deeper. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that extending them through 2017 would cost $1.9 trillion. That doesn’t include the costs of servicing a bigger national debt, or the cost of adjusting the alternative minimum tax so it doesn’t offset the cuts.

Obama pledged during the campaign to keep the Bush cuts for households making under $200,000 a year. He will either have to break that very expensive promise, or turn to other possible revenue sources. What are the options?

The first, and most attractive, is to go after the hundreds of billions of tax subsidies that range from specific industry tax breaks to broader provisions – like the health care exclusion and mortgage interest deduction – that benefit all taxpayers. This is the essence of an intriguing bill crafted by Sens. Ron Wyden (D-OR) and Judd Gregg (R-N.H.), which would broaden the tax base by eliminating all itemized deductions except for mortgage interest and charitable deductions.

Another option is to look for new revenue sources. The best would be a charge on carbon, which would raise revenue, boost clean energy investment and protect the earth’s climate all in one fell swoop. The emerging Senate climate and energy compromise, engineered by Sens. Kerry (D-MA), Graham (R-S.C.) and Lieberman (I-CT), would cap carbon emissions, but it appears that the revenues would be rebated to the public. This approach would blunt Republican charges that putting a price on carbon is tantamount to raising taxes in a weak economy, but it wouldn’t close our revenue gap.

That’s why there’s rising interest in a value-added tax (VAT). Paul Volcker, the éminence grise of high finance, floated the idea recently. It’s also been endorsed by leading progressive thinkers like Isabel Sawhill and Henry Aaron of the Brookings Institution. A VAT has traditionally been seen as a harbinger of European-level taxes, but Sawhill believes it may be the only way to finance health care. She adds:

In the end, any tax increase will be a heavy lift in a country that seems allergic to paying its bills. But it will have to happen sooner or later and sooner would be much better. As Larry Summers once noted, Republicans don’t like value-added taxes because they are a revenue machine and Democrats don’t like them because they are regressive. We will get a VAT when Democrats realize they are a revenue machine and Republicans realize that they are regressive.

Photo credit: http://www.flickr.com/photos/rhruzek/ / CC BY-NC-ND 2.0